Book Review: Julius Nyerere by Paul Bjerk

In a short and precise volume, Paul Bjerk succeeds in debating the legacy of Nyerere in six short chapters. The book deals with the highs and lows of Nyerere’s illustrious political career and balances this in a manner befitting a great African statesman, says Nicodemus Minde. 

Paul Bjerk has taken keen interest in the study of Tanzania’s postcolonial history and in particular he has written about the country’s foreign policy and national building agenda with an emphasis on the leadership of Tanzania’s founding president Julius Nyerere. He is the author of Building a Peaceful Nation: Julius Nyerere and the Establishment of Sovereignty in Tanzania, (1960-1964) – which captures the very essence of national building in the formative years of Tanzania’s independence. Having been a Fulbright Scholar at the University of Iringa in Tanzania, Bjerk builds on his previous studies of the country by writing a short, succinct biography of Julius Nyerere.

The book generally highlights the personal life of Nyerere, who was fondly known as Mwalimu – Swahili for teacher. The political story of Mwalimu has been told in many platforms including books, articles, monographs and documentaries. Bjerk, through conversations with Nyerere’s childhood friends tells of Mwalimu’s early life, growing up as a chief’s son. Nyerere’s mother was the fifth wife of Chief Nyerere Burito and as such educating the child of a fifth wife was not always a priority. However, after been convinced by another chief, Nyerere’s father sent his son to school. The author points to the early political socialisation in primary school, secondary school and the Catholic Church which influenced Nyerere’s thinking. Nyerere’s egalitarian principles were shaped by his mentor, Father Richard Walsh, who was the headmaster of St. Mary’s Secondary School in Tabora. His university education at Makerere College in Uganda and at Edinburgh, Scotland further shaped his philosophy of socialism. Upon his return home after completing a master’s degree at Edinburgh, Nyerere planned to venture into active politics where he became a member of the Tanganyika African Association (TAA).

The book situates Nyerere’s role in Tanzania’s political trajectory from the 1950s up until the independence in 1961. The Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) succeeded TAA and became the official political organisation that worked towards Tanganyika’s independence. Away from the lionisation often associated with Nyerere, Bjerk highlights Nyerere’s political suppression of dissenting voices such as those of Zuberi Mtemvu (pp.54-55). Nyerere’s decision to suppress his critics was justified on grounds of inclusivity and equality – a foundation of his philosophical underpinnings. Mtemvu was a proponent of the Africanist ideology which was pushing for a more aggressive policy of Africanisation (p.56). Nyerere’s vision was to build a united nation.

In exploring Nyerere’s contribution to the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union in 1964, the author captures the intrigues and intricacies of the union formation. The book explores the then global interests and the interplay and power struggles between Zanzibar President Sheikh Abeid Karume and Nyerere. The book also highlights Nyerere’s power consolidation through overt and covert means. In particular, the author draws our attention to the way Nyerere managed to curtail voices that criticised government policy and also that questioned the workings of the Union (p.99).

A statue of Julius Nyerere in Dodoma
Photo credit: Pernille Bærendtsen via Flickr( http://bit.ly/2kEvFtg) CC BY-SA 2.0

Nyerere’s philosophic beliefs anchored in the Arusha Declaration of 1967 that birthed Ujamaa and Self-Reliance or what Nyerere referred to as African Socialism is well addressed in the book. Bjerk situates his analysis of Ujamaa and self-reliance in Nyerere’s vision for national building and through a subtle analysis of Tanzania’s diplomacy and foreign policy. For example, the book looks at the break in relations between Tanzania and Britain in 1965 which was in protest of the latter’s passive policy toward Southern Rhodesia. It was after this that Nyerere turned to the Chinese who helped in constructing the Tanzania-Zambia railway.

The author also looks at Nyerere’s forays in Africa between 1978 and the 1990s including Tanzania’s ousting of Uganda’s Idi Amin, the Tanganyika – Zanzibar Union question and the frosty relations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Nyerere’s voluntary retirement from the presidency in 1985 meant that he took the elder statesman mantle. Nyerere’s aura as statesman and his shadow was ominous especially in the domestic political party discourse. Nyerere spoke almost prophetically on the dangers of corruption in the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM). Mwalimu’s sunset years saw him play a role in the Burundi peace mediation. The world mourned Nyerere when he died at a London hospital in October 1999 and his legacy as the author sums up was one of a man of “rare integrity, intelligence and commitment” (p.148).

In a short volume, Bjerk succeeds in debating the legacy of Nyerere through six short chapters. The book recognises the highs and lows of Nyerere’s illustrious political careers and balances this in a manner befitting a great African statesman.

The book, despite being a biography of Nyerere, draws parallels to contemporary Tanzania’s leadership. The leadership of President John Magufuli has often been mirrored to that of Nyerere due their ostensible nationalistic goals. This book offers that opportunity to understand Tanzania’s political culture and history through the life and times of Mwalimu Nyerere.

Julius Nyerere. Paul Bjerk. Ohio University Press. 2017.

---

Nicodemus Minde (@decolanga) is a PhD student in International Relations at the United States International University – Africa (USIU- Africa)

A Tribute to Maalim Aboud Jumbe Mwinyi: A life of Courage and Principle

By Nicodemus Minde

“…[Ndugu Chairman] allow me to relinquish all the responsibilities you have given me. I say this with a clear conscience, without arrogance or humiliation or anger or joy.” These were Aboud Jumbe’s concluding remarks after a three hour-long speech to CCM’s National Executive Committee (NEC) in 1984. Aboud Jumbe served as Zanzibar’s second President after the assassination of Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume in 1972. He also served as Tanzania’s Vice-President under President Julius Nyerere during the time when the Zanzibar’s president by his virtue assumed the number two position in the United Republic of Tanzania. This speech was his last as President of Zanzibar, VP of Tanzania and also the Vice-Chairman of his party CCM.

It was the culmination of what the renowned Tanzanian historian Issa Shivji terms as ‘Jumbe’s trial’. Jumbe was being ‘tried’ for his strong position in support for a three-government Union format. Tanzania and indeed the ruling party CCM faced a difficult period between 1983 and 1984 over the composition and structure of the political union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar. Termed as the ‘Crisis of the Union’, this period was characterized by strong debates on the Union – with factions within Zanzibar questioning the position of Zanzibar within the Union. Although Issa Shivji pits the struggle as a battle between factions within Zanzibar, there were fuming anecdotes over the Union, which took the form of power struggles in the isles. Central in all this was Aboud Jumbe who had until then taken an aloof position on the matter.    

Aboud Jumbe (1920-2016)

Aboud Jumbe died on 14 August 2016 at his home in Mji Mwema, Kigamboni Dar es Salaam. He was 96. He was educated in Makerere University and was an experienced teacher teaching in several schools in Zanzibar before venturing into politics. He was instrumental in the 1964 Zanzibar Revolution and served in the first Revolutionary Council under Sheikh Abeid Karume. According to Zanzibar lawyer Awadh Said, people should not forget Jumbe’s colored history as a teacher just like Mwalimu Julius Nyerere.

Light moment: Aboud Jumbe, centre shares a hearty moment with Julius Nyerere (on his left) Mozambique statesman Samora Machel (far left). Far right is Salim Ahmed Salim

Jumbe rise to the presidency was completely off script just like that of Hosni Mubarak of Egypt. Mubarak. A career soldier, with little political ambition Mubarak succeeded Anwar Al Sadat who was assassinated in 1981. When Karume was assassinated in 1972 Jumbe was quickly confirmed as Chairman of the Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) and Nyerere selected him as his First Vice President.

Jumbe and Reforms

One of his biggest legacies was the position he took regarding the structure of the Union. Having consolidated his power after taking over as president Jumbe was quick to bring reforms. He was instrumental in restructuring the ASP and according to lawyer Awadh Said Jumbe opened the democratic space in Zanzibar. “He reduced the powers of the Revolutionary Council and was instrumental in the introduction of the Zanzibari House of Representatives,” Awadh told me. He also did a lot to bring about judicial reforms by bringing in educated people to serve in various positions within the judiciary. Although these reforms were noble, Shivji maintains that the “reforms were carefully crafted to ensure that his own authority and power as the President of the Party would not be affected.” That notwithstanding Jumbe will be greatly remembered for the radical reforms he made.

Jumbe and the Union

Jumbe was at the heart of the merger of Zanzibar’s ASP and the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) in 1977. The merger of the two parties further consolidated the political union between Zanzibar and Tanganyika that formed the United Republic of Tanzania in 1964. A permanent Union constitution was hastily passed in 1977, which made Tanzania a single party state. The merger of the two parties forming CCM and the passage of a permanent constitution in 1977 was the genesis of dissatisfaction among some people in Zanzibar. For Jumbe especially, the merger ate into Zanzibar’s autonomy presented a hurdle in his quest for political control in Zanzibar. He still believed in autonomy for Zanzibar and understandably he created the House of Representatives and a draft of the Zanzibari constitution of 1979.  

Waraka Mrefu

Jumbe’s downfall in 1984 came at the back of a long letter (waraka mrefu) he had drafted together with Bashir Swanzy, a Ghanaian lawyer who he had hired as Zanzibar’s Attorney General in place of Damian Lubuva. According to my interview with Awadh Said, Damian Lubuva who is currently the Chairman of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) was brought to Zanzibar through the recommendation of Mwalimu Nyerere. Bashir Swanzy was well known in Zanzibar, and according to Awadh Said, he even had a Zanzibari wife.

He first came to Zanzibar to present ASP in an election case just before the revolution. President Jumbe asked Swanzy to help him draft a letter, which in the very sense questioned the format of the Union and according to Jumbe himself, a question of interpretation of the Articles of the Union – the principle document of the Union. The letter, was drafted in English by Bashir Swanzy and according to various literature and interviews I made, the letter was supposed to be discussed first at the Revolutionary Council before been taken to the main man – Mwalimu Nyerere. The letter was first to be translated into Swahili – a language common to the Revolutionary Council before been debated. The document/letter was titled “The Case which the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar has against the Executive of the United Republic of Tanzania and the Government of Tanganyika.” Going by the title, this was a grievance letter which Jumbe used to produce the book “The Partner-Ship: Tanganyika Zanzibar Union, 30 Turbulent Years” and translated into Swahili by journalist and now MP for Malindi Ally Saleh.

Shivji observes in his book “Pan-Africanism or Pragmatism: Lessons of Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union” that the document/letter was like a ‘charge sheet’ or ‘demand letter’. In it, Jumbe outlines Zanzibar’s dissatisfaction with the Union. The thrust of his argument is a three-government federal Union, which, according to him was envisaged in the Articles of the Union. The ideas of Jumbe are well captured in his book. In the nine chapters of the book, Jumbe tears into the structure of the Union by questioning the legal interpretations of the Articles of the Union and the effects of the consolidation of the Union through the merger of the two parties. He discusses in Chapter Two the type of government that the Union of 1964 envisaged – two or three government format? He argues conclusively that the Union government that was formed by the governments of Tanganyika and Zanzibar envisaged a three-government Union. He argues that Article 3(b) of the Articles of the Union provides for the appointment of two Vice Presidents, one of which (being the resident of Zanzibar) shall be the leader of the government of Zanzibar and will be the principle assistant of the president of the United Republic in the government functions in Zanzibar. Jumbe argues therewith that this is testament of the presence of three-governments.

Jumbe in his book again poses the geographical question of Tanzania Mainland versus Tanganyika. The 1977 constitution of the United Republic in Article 2(1) on the territory states that ‘the territory of the United Republic consists of the whole of the areas of mainland Tanzania and the whole of the areas of Tanzania Zanzibar, and includes the territorial water.’ In strict terms, as Jumbe argues, the term mainland Tanzania is ambiguous and brings about ‘geographical confusion’ observing that calling Zanzibar, Tanzania Zanzibar or Tanzania Visiwani is a mark of territorial control. Jumbe’s again posits that the Tanganyika leaders have abolished the Tanganyika government replacing it with Tanzania, which in effect is the United Republic

Jumbe paid the price for his beliefs in 1984 after Nyerere accepted his resignation from all party positions. He also left his position as President of Zanzibar. However, Jumbe left behind a trail of questions over the nature of the Union. When Tanzania began the constitutional review process in 2011, the key feature in the constitutional narrative was the question of the nature of the Union. Various commissions such as the Nyalali, Kisanga and Warioba proposed a three-government format of the Union based on people’s views and general historical considerations. The recommendations have however been squashed on all occasions – but the recommendations must have been a solace to Maalim Aboud Jumbe. He goes well.

Eddy Riyami Tribute.

#UraisTanzania2015: A New Brand in Tanzanian Politics

When the results of the Nyalali Commission were released before the return to mulipartism in Tanzania in 1992, a whooping 80% of Tanzanians were against multiparty democracy. Despite these findings, the Commission recommended the introduction of multiparty democracy. The Commission, in its own admission observed that the 80% had known no other system than the single party dictatorship of CCM and that was what informed their response. Tanzania went on to adopt the Political Parties Act and Tanzania became a 'multiparty democracy'. Despite the registration of a number of parties, the ruling party CCM maintained and continues to somehow maintain its hegemonic status. This change was at the time alien to many Tanzanians and indeed many African states. The democratization brigade came alongside the fall of Berlin wall and according to Francis Fukuyama's postulation "the end of history" and the triumph of liberal democracy. The change heralded a new beginning to politics in Tanzania.

As Tanzania approaches its fifth multiparty election next year, we are witnessing a new brand of politics. The ruling party continues to enjoy virtual voter monopoly, largely due to its propaganda machinery and state-controlled resources. There still is no real inner-party democracy in Tanzania despite the party election facade often witnessed. Senior party positions are controlled and influenced by external influences mostly borne out of economic interests. During the first CCM presidential nominations, it is believed Mwalimu Nyerere's choice of candidate influenced the process. It is not known who his heir apparent was  before he died in 1999. President Jakaya Kikwete succeeded Benjamin Mkapa, who was regarded as a Nyerere's protege. With the elections next year, many names are already cropping up with the grand-old party CCM. The race seems to pit the young versus the old. The discourse has degenerated into youthfulness versus octogenarians. When youthful assistant minister January Makamba publicly stated his desire for the country's top job in July this year, a host of other names in the green-party have cropped up. Names such as the the ex-Prime Ministers Edward Lowassa and Fredrick Sumaye and current PM Mizengo Pinda. Other names are William Ngeleja, Mark Mwandosya, Bernard Membe, Asha-Rose Migiro, Prof Anna Tibaijuka, Mwigulu Nchemba, Samuel Sitta and most recently Hamisi Kigangwalla. The green party, unaccustomed with this new brand of politics, went on to call a disciplinary committee to look into the declarations made by its members to run for the top job. However, those who have so far put forward their interest have done so in a modern way. For instance Dr. Kigangwalla launched his bid with a speech flanked by his wife and children and his parents where he outlined his vision for the country. He also launched a social media campaign with harsh-tags.   

Experienced democracies world over teach us the values of internal party democracy. Values where each individual has the right to declare his vision to run for office. But that being said, it is imperative for those who seek office to do a self-examination and see if they fit the bill. In as much as democracy allows free-will, we should understand that leadership is service and not a job. The presidency is an institution that calls for individuals of high moral character, integrity and servitude.

This new brand of politics is needed for political maturity both at the party level and nationally. Tanzanians should embrace this as a sign of increased democratic space but in the same light do a thorough scrutiny to those who have declared their interest for the top job.     

Thirty Years later, Sokoine Remains a Tanzanian Statesman

Nations world over are built on the ideals of their founding fathers. Some like in America, the sheer will and dedication of the founders molded a nation while wisdom, courage and selflessness built empires, strong democracies and civilizations. Historic moments such as revolutions, civil wars, crises, constitution making, war for independence, and many others define polities. Great men also define nations. When I was growing up, tales of Tanzanian great men where told to me either by my parents or at school. Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere was a man whose stories were told to me as a child. I grew up listening to his speeches in the national radio, seeing his face on the currency, his grayed hair portrait hung on government offices and private businesses. During one Christmas holiday in our rural home, as I looked into my dad's high school and college books, I found Nyerere's book "Miaka Kumi Baada ya Azimio la Arusha". I read it despite not knowing exactly Ujamaa was at the time. Of course I was born after the Arusha Declaration of 1967 that made Tanzania a Socialist country in what Nyerere termed as "Ujamaa is Tanzania's unique form of Socialism" in yet another great book "Freedom and Socialism" which I read later on. Nyerere was not the only Tanzanian hero I knew while growing up. Edward Moringe Sokoine was another Tanzanian statesman whose remarkable leadership was told to me while I grew up. As an avid lover of history and politics, I read of this great Maasai man who served as Prime Minister of Tanzania on two occasions.

Reading yet another Tanzania history book "Maadili ya Taifa na Hatma ya Tanzania: Enzi kwa Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere" by Ibrahim Mohamed Kaduma, he recalls in 1980 when Edward Moringe Sokoine vied for a seat in Monduli Constituency together with a driver in the Department of Livestock and who was his supervisor. This was the Tanzania of old when character and service was the drive for power and not money, wealth and status. Prime Minister Sokoine as is written was a man with character, love for the people, and one who wanted a better Tanzania. He condemned corruption and excessive capital accumulation - some allude his death to these principles that he stood for. Reading yet another book (I can't recall the title or the author), it is written that Edward Sokoine died in a car crash. Although it is believed that he survived the crash after a collision with a car driven by a South African man by the name Dumisani Dube, it is said the man finished him off. That is a story for another day. A man who spoke openly in support of equality for the ordinary Tanzanian passed away on 12 April, 1984. Thirty years on, the Tanzania he envisioned where government is free from corruption and without excessive and exuberant capital accumulation is still there. Without wealth, riches and glory that comes with status you cannot vie for an elective post and win, ask Torongey, the man who vied for the Chalinze seat with the President's son. You cannot get a job if you don't know somebody, electoral corruption is rampant. But again, he did his best in a short stint as Prime Minister and he remains a man of honor in Tanzania.       

 

Zanzibar Revolution: Who was John Okello and what did he announce on the radio in 1964?

Zanzibar and Tanzania mark 50 years since the bloody revolution of Zanzibar in 1964. I am currently researching on the Tanganyika- Zanzibar Union and the Zanzibar Revolution of 1964 has certainly shaped the history of Tanzania. I recently came across someone's tweet saying "Bila Mapinduzi, Muungano usingekuwepo..bila ya Muungano, Mapinduzi yasingedumu." The English translation is "Without the Revolution, the Union could not exist..without the Union, the Revolution could not have held." This is indicative enough of the crucial nature of the Zanzibar Revolution to the history of Tanzania. 

Strange as it may seem, one author aptly notes that "the Zanzibar Revolution might not have occurred, and certainly not when it did, had it not been for the presence of a foreigner from Uganda who had grandiose illusions about his revolutionary calling and who happened to be in an ideal position to organise a coup. The man was John Okello, a Christian who had come to Pemba as a youth  to make building blocks. He joined the Police Force and in 1961 became one of the leaders of the ASP party. In February 1963, he went over to Zanzibar island and began to work work for the realisation of his dream of becoming a great nationalist by overthrowing the Sultani. Okello was an eloquent young man with a deep harrowing voice. After periods of disillusionment he decided to join with the ASP Youth League. He styled himself as Field Marshal. In the early morning of 12 January 1964 sabotaged the police arsenal and together with his men defeated the Sultan's troops. At 7 a.m Okello went to the radio station and broadcast the following message to the people of Zanzibar:

I am Field Marshal Okello! Wake up, you imperialists, there's no longer an imperialist government on this Island; this is now the government of the Freedom Fighters. Wake up, you black men. Let everyone of you take a gun and ammunition and start to fight against any remnants of imperialism on this island.

Later that morning, Okello issued an ultimatum to the Sultan:You are allowed twenty minutes to kill your children and wives and then kill yourself. The Sultan escaped to Tanganyika then to England. Okello began to form a provisional government with Abeid Karume as Prime Minister. By the evening the Revolution was full circle and running. 

Uhuru's new Foreign Policy Approach: Pragmatic or Precarious?

Nicodemus Minde

In one of his analysis of Kenya's new foreign policy approach under President Uhuru Kenyatta, Peter Kagwanja remarked that Kenya’s foreign policy is emerging and is reflecting an assertive new Africa-centred approach as the central plank of Nairobi’s regional and global policy. He was writing this in the regional paper, the East Africa soon after President Kenyatta took oath of office on April 9, 2013. Kenya has historically been the 'hub' of the region, as evidenced by the international presence such as the UN offices in Nairobi. 

When Kenya gained political independence in 1963, it took a pure capitalist approach based on the Western model. Her relations with the West were thus strengthened by this. Kenya became the darling of the West and a close ally unlike her East African neighbors, Tanzania and Uganda. Tanzania had taken up the socialist model, Ujamaa, which President Nyerere described as 'Tanzania's unique model of socialism.' Uganda under Milton Obote also pursed a similar path. It was no wonder that Tanzania strengthened her relations with the likes of China, USSR, and Cuba, who were all communist states. Under President Daniel Moi, Kenya's foreign policy was quite pragmatic due to the Cold War at the time. However, Kenya maintained close relations with the West particularly US and Britain. However, since 2002 as my colleague puts it "the Kibaki administration had been keen on expand the pool of international partners. China was one such available partner". This has seen Kenya adapt an Economic Diplomacy Foreign Policy Agenda which focuses largely on trade, bilateral and multilateral business partnerships. 

Uhuru Kenyatta, during his campaigns said he would "look East" upon his ascension to president. Foreign policy commentators and media saw his move was instigated by his indictment at the International Criminal Court for alleged crimes committed during Kenya's Post-poll Violence of 2007/2008. Coupled with the former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson remark that 'choices have consequences' warning Kenyans against electing an indictee president, Kenyatta administration was without doubt going to pursue a "look East" approach. 

US President Barack Obama, whose father was Kenyan, has skipped Kenya from his latest African tour. He visits Tanzania instead, to the dismay of many Kenyans, who view it as a snob. Obama through the foreign department has explained that he visits Tanzania for economic reasons and most recently the White House explained that the ICC cases facing Kenya’s top leaders are the reason why US President Barrack Obama is skipping Kenya during his Africa tour which kicks off Wednesday next week. Outspoken critic of Uhuru Kenyatta, Makau Mutua reiterated this in his column on Sunday Nation stating that Mr Obama is simply giving Mr Carson’s truism a nod.

President Kenyatta will embark on a tour to Japan, Russia and China in a move seen by many as a counter-check to the Obama snob and reiterating his "look East" approach. Kenyatta has proven to be quite an astute politician who tries to balance Kenya's relations without necessarily being seen as an 'anti-West' leader. He has to trade like this since he still has a pending a case at the ICC.    

The Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union: 49 years of a beleaguered marriage of convenience

Nicodemus Minde

The United Republic of Tanzania today celebrates 49 years of political union between Tanzania mainland and Tanzania Zanzibar. I am explicit in naming Zanzibar as Tanzania Zanzibar and the mainland as Tanzania mainland and not Tanganyika. The nomenclature of the the constituent entities of the union, though not said explicitly, has also led to the antagonism between the two. This is a story for another day. Analysts and political pundits have debated for many years on the constitutionality of the union, the status of the union, and the prospects for the union. 

For more than forty years Tanzania has remained the only Union of independent states in Africa. There has always been much debate on this Union both before the Union took place as well as after its happening. Prof. Issa Shivji describes the union as a pragmatic one born out of caution and not necessity. As he aptly puts it, "The Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar was determined by two governments for the interests of Africa and African Unity. There was no other reason. Further to this, Nyerere has been quoted saying “...No, I’m not joking … I fear Zanzibar will be a big headache for us." This was before the then Tanganyika gained independence. The union was hurried. The ratification of the articles of the union was hurried and a CIA Intelligence Memo assessing the Union four years after its conception asserted that the union was never popular in Zanzibar and that "it was only Tanganyika's steam-roller tactics that forced the issue." There is no evident to date of a consultation process in the isles and to some degree in the mainland. The negotiations of the union were largely 'informal' and the only 'legal instruments' were the articles of the union which were haphazard and lacked the concrete legal foundations. The so-called Union of Zanzibar and Tanganyika Law, 1964 published in the Government Gazette of the United Republic was also wanting with regard to procedure, legality and constitutionalism. Laying strong legal and constitutional foundations is important for state survival and unity. The union has withstood the tests of fissure and collapse only through Nyerere's leadership and CCM manipulation of election results (after Tanzania became a multiparty state).

The ghosts of shaky foundations of the union need to be exorcised. The marriage between the two was out of convenience. The marriage bore resentment from the people of Zanzibar. The children of the union are disenfranchised. The leaders across the divide politic. Either side of the union has its wishes. There are Tanzanian Zanzibaris who want secession, there are those who want more autonomy, there are those that want unity. The Tanzanians from the mainland also want the status union to be addressed. With the drafting of the new constitution ongoing, there is need for a comprehensive discussion on this matter. The Constitutional Review Committee gave a time frame for people, political parties and other interest groups to give their opinions on matters they would love to be addressed in the new law. There has been a surreal mentality from most Tanzanians that come the next elections, the country shall have a new constitution. Constitutions are not built in five years. They are built on a long time reflection and contemplation of a nation's needs and aspirations. Having been born on shaky foundations, Tanzania has the greatest opportunity to rethink the union. The union started on rather shaky legal and legal foundations. A critical renegotiation of the union ought to be a key priority of the Constitutional Review Committee.

The rise and rise of Tanzania as a regional economic hegemon

Tanzania has historically played a second fiddle in the East African region behind Kenya. Tanzania's foreign policy over the years has been based on its strong cooperation with the East and the Non-Aligned Movement. Tanzania's ideology has been that of a socialist democracy dictated by the ideals of humanity, equality, brotherliness and good neighborliness. Under the founding father Julius Nyerere, Tanzania practiced the Ujamaa ideology, a brand of Socialism which Nyerere termed as "Tanzania's unique socialism". The Ujamaa ideology was aimed at fostering national cohesion, self reliance and independence through the virtues of humanity. With this brand, Tanzania's close allies were Cuba, China and the now defunct USSR and currently Russia. Tanzania worked in close partnership with these nations whilst playing a non-aligned pragmatic foreign policy. Nyerere was good at this. 

With the triumph of capitalist liberal democracy that saw 'the end of history' as elucidated by Francis Fukuyama, Tanzania adopted open market liberal economic approaches. With this, Tanzania opened up for global investments and direct trade with financial institutions which Nyerere had once rebuffed as neo-imperilist tools. Whilst this happened, Tanzania carried out its foreign relations in a very pragmatic and strategic manner. Tanzania's foreign policy was anchored on African liberation during the 1960s and 1970s. Tanzania played a leadership role in the fight for African liberation not only political liberation but also economic. Tanzania criticized the Apartheid regime in South Africa and played a leading role in fronting for peaceful coexistence and settlement of disputes in Africa and beyond.

Tanzania is now at a critical juncture in mapping out its future. With the drafting of a new constitution, Tanzania is joining the league of African nations that are rethinking their future through the drafting of a new legal regime. I trust that the Constitutional body is doing a good job. Tanzania is also experiencing a resource boom. With plenty of natural gas, uranium, coal, oil and other energy resources, Tanzania is been seen as rising economic giant within the region. There is no doubt that Tanzania is at the behest of greatness. With investors wooing Tanzania, right-left and center, it is a manifestation of good times ahead. The new Chinese President Xi Jinping is visiting the country in what political pundits see as expanding of China-Tanzania relations. The Chinese government brings investment opportunities and trade to Tanzania. They enter into partnerships with the Tanzanian government in areas of infrastructure, health, education, trade etc. This is good for Tanzania. Chinese investments are 'unconditional' and due to historical ties, will benefit both countries. Western countries are also competing for a stake in Tanzania's riches. This is great news. With disciplined and shrewed leadership, Tanzania stands to greatly benefit. I have no doubt that US President will visit Tanzania just like his two predecessors, George Bush and Bill Clinton. This is the rise of Tanzania.   

The State of Zanzibar? This Proposal may jeopardize the Union

Nicodemus Minde, Arusha, Tanzania

Having read a snick preview of Chadema’s proposal to the Constitutional Review Committee of Tanzania, I must admit that the proposal of the type of government sets a dangerous precedence to the existence of the union government. The proposal reads; there will be a united republic of Tanzania made up of the state of Tanganyika and the state of Zanzibar (loosely translated from Swahili). The current Constitution of 1977 reads in Chapter One, Part 1 on the United Republic and its People (1) Tanzania is one State and is a sovereign United Republic and (2) The territory of the United Republic consists of the whole of the area of Mainland Tanzania and the whole of the area of Tanzania Zanzibar, and includes the territorial waters. Besides the numerous flaws in the current constitution, the above mentioned provision has adequately defined and preserved the nature of the political union. A constitution is a document that defined the beliefs and aspirations of a people. It embodies the dreams of a nation across generations. The founding father of Tanzania Mwalimu Nyerere believed in a political union with Zanzibar. The union has withstood many shakeups and myriads of opposition. Despite the setbacks, we as a people of this republic are reminded of the dreams of our forefathers; the dream of keeping alive the union.

One of the challenges the union has faced over the years has been that of the question of the statehood of Zanzibar. In international law, the best known formulation of the basic criteria of statehood is laid down in Article 1 of the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States, 1933. In fulfilling this capacity, states are commonly termed as to possess international legal personality. Subjects of international law include persons and entities capable of possessing international rights and duties under international law and endowed with the capacity to take certain types of action on the international plane. Many scholars have argued on the classification of Zanzibar as state. Calls for secession by Zanzibar have largely been on the grounds that it be granted self-determination which is the character of a state.

A critical overview of the proposal of the type and nature of the union government by Chadema threatens the existence of the union. I say this based on the following grounds; (1) By terming Zanzibar a state/country, it will ignite the debate on whether or not Zanzibar possess international legal personality pursuant to international law; (2) in the wake of this debate, holding on to the union whether through a referendum, as proposed by Chadema in the case of either parties wants to opt out of the union, will further raise political tensions which could lead to the breakup of the union.

My position is that whatever proposals are made up by individuals, institutions, and political parties on the type and nature of government should be aimed at maintaining and preserving the political union. This will prove an arduous task since it will be hard to please everyone. But a carefully thought out and all inclusive and well engaged process shall suffice and formulate the appropriate form of government.    

The Trouble with Tanzania

Introduction

I am not wise enough to point out the trouble with Tanzania, neither am I old enough to even understand the complexity of Tanzanian history to state the trouble of Tanzania. Literature guru Chinua Achebe wrote the short précis of The Trouble with Nigeria in 1983 to explain the troubles that plagued the country ranging from vices of corruption, tribalism, the cult of mediocrity, indiscipline among others. A critical analysis of the 67 paged book by Achebe can be juxtaposed with the general trouble of the politics of the African societies. The failure of leadership was the underlying theme of the book that explained the demagoguery of Nigerian leadership which can narrate the other troubles that ail the country.

“The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian character. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land or climate of water or air or anything else. The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the challenge of personal example which are the hallmarks of true leadership.”  

The trouble in Nigeria as explained by Achebe is synonymous to the African political setting. As pointed out earlier, I am not wise or old enough to state the trouble with Tanzania, but I will try to place myself into the Tanzanian political and societal setting to explain what could be wrong with us. There is nothing wrong with the Tanzanian lad or climate or air. On the contrary, Tanzania is a blessed country in many fronts. Tanzania is the land of Kilimanjaro, the land of the great Serengeti; the land of Zanzibar, the land of Lake Tanganyika. Tanzania is blessed with abundant natural resources, good climate and weather. The people of Tanzania are beautiful and hospitable. Tanzania is the cradle of civilization. The Olduvai Gorge is one of the most important pale-anthropological sites in the world and has been instrumental in furthering the understanding of early human evolution. Tanzania is the home of Mwalimu Julius Nyerere; the great thinker of African Socialism as explained by the Ujamaa philosophy. 

There is nothing basically wrong with Tanzania as was conceived after the political merger of Tanganyika and Zanzibar in 1964. Tanzania’s problem is as Achebe explained a failure of leadership. This failure has resulted in a myriad of other troubles that I will try to explain in a series format.

Cowardice

William Shakespeare once said “Our doubts are traitors, and make us lose the good we oft might win, by fearing to attempt.”

................Continues tomorrow.      

The metamorphism of Political Parties in Africa: From Freedom Parties to Coalition Building

Political parties are an important vehicle for attaining political power. They are a crucial pillar for engineering democratic ideals and social progress in any polity. Historically, political parties have been associated with community mobilization with the aim of either advancing policy issues or addressing forms of inequality and to seek for inclusivity through popular will and representation. Political parties have echoed the voices of the voiceless, the poor, and the marginalized and more so, political parties have been used as avenues for social and political inclusion of the suppressed. Political science as a field has the discourse of political parties and association as one of its core areas of studies. Political parties have been used to pool together, to drive agendas, to call for respect of human rights, and as a form of a centralized platform to discuss national issues.

If there was anyone who was a student of political parties and wrote extensively about them, it was Lenin. Vladimir Lenin, the one-time ruler of the now defunct USSR dissected the theories and discourse of political parties many from the standpoint of class systems. As the great Kenyan scholar Anyang’ Nyong’o posits in his analysis of political parties: you cannot be a student of political parties without studying Lenin. A critical look at political parties, properly so called is the outcome or the offshoots of the Industrial Revolution. It was as a result of the decline of feudalism and the division of society into social classes under capitalism, that political parties emerged as major proponents in the political spheres. The dynamics of their formation cuts across many political systems from Germany, France, China and to the post-colonial societies.

My focus is the conceptualization of political parties in Africa. The evolution of political parties in Africa was an aggregation of social forces for the struggle for political independence. Though the formation of parties can be traced deeper than the aggregate demands for social inclusiveness, it should be noted that parties in Africa were mainly formed under the auspices for advancing community interest first. this notwithstanding, the parties later gained national outlook driven by the common denominator for political independence. They became avenues for seeking political freedoms. However, after the attainment of political kingdom as Kwame Nkrumah once put it, the freedom parties were used as mechanism for solidification of power. Multi partism was discouraged on grounds that it could polarize the society. 

The fall of the Berlin wall and the end to the Cold War witnessed the triumph of western democracy. A new world order as conceived by George Bush Sr. arose. Not to be left behind, Africa had to adapt to the new order and multi-party democracy sprang up. 

Multi-party democracy in fragile states can prove to be catastrophic. African countries have not yet matured to become democratic nations that respect the dictates and tenets of democracy that include aspects such as good governance, rule of law, human rights protection and promotion, inclusivity. It is still at a very elementary stage. Political parties are a crucial pillar for upholding these tenets. Africa is now witnessing a new conceptualization of political parties. Parties in Africa are now undergoing a political metamorphisis where parties are forming coalitions either before or after election. Post-election coalitions are as a result of competitive elections that hit an impasse and coalitions become necessary. We are now seeing a new dynamic of coalitions. Political parties are forming pre-election pacts so as to consolidate their strengths by pooling together. 

Despite all this, political parties should make sure they are driven by a vision and mission. This has to do with the ideology or what the party stands for in terms of substantial beliefs, methods of propelling the country to economic prosperity, provision of social services and so on. The parties should also adhere to globally accepted norms of representation in terms of gender, youth, agenda and policy formulation.