Magufuli's Gorbachev Moment

Chama Cha Mapinduzi - Tanzania’s leading political party, modeled on socialist and revolutionary ideology. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union – the founding and ruling party of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). The CPSU and CCM bear loads of similarities both in ideals and philosophy. Although CCM would deny this, but just like the CPSU it’s organization is based on Lenin’s concept of democratic centralism and Vanguardism. This Marxist concept prescribes to consensus majoritarian decision making within a political framework and in this case a political party. Both parties were built on the background of socialist consciousness and revolution. For CCM, formed in 1977 after the merger between the Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) of Zanzibar and the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) of Tanganyika the idea of mapinduzi (revolution) is heavily borrowed from the triumph of ASP in the Zanzibar Revolution in 1964 while the socialist consciousness is a legacy of the Nyerere philosophy of Ujamaa (African Socialism).

Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin

I have been rereading Francis Fukuyama’s provocative work The End of History and the Last Man. Fukuyama narrates the worldwide liberal revolution in the late 1980s asserting that during that time both the communist Left and the authoritarian Right became bankrupt of serious ideas capable of sustaining the internal political cohesion of strong governments. It was at this time when Mikhail Gorbachev, USSR statesman had been elected as CPSU’s General Secretary after the death of Konstantin Chernenko. The USSR was experiencing a wave of change as seen in the publishing of articles critical of Stalin era in 1986. Press freedom expanded exponentially during that time. Gorbachev was credited for introducing reforms in the political and economic setting of the USSR as well as the foreign relations of the country.

Gorbachev’s reformist agenda also saw a restructuring of the party where he replaced the old gerontocracy with new faces. In this reform agenda he updated the party philosophy and through Glasnost, he expanded freedom of thought in the party including reforms aimed at reducing party control of the government. These proposals included a new executive mandate under a presidential format. In these reforms Gorbachev became the President of the Soviet Union. Sweeping reforms also saw the perestroika agenda, which meant restructuring. This involved restructuring of international relations based on nuclear disarmament and the development of democracy. 

Despite the reforms Mikhail Gorbachev was not able to prevent the demise of the CPSU in 1991, which also marked the end of the Soviet Union. Various theories have been fronted to explain the death of the CPSU under Gorbachev. But one was the imminent rise of nationalism in the Soviet Republics and the eventual failed coup in 1991 leading to his resignation.

Kikwete and Magufuli in Dodoma

CCM just like CPSU has experienced turbulent times since its inception in 1977. CCM’s turbulence in the 1980s was a result of disaffection of the Union especially from the Zanzibar side. This turbulent time between 1983 and 1984 saw was called ‘crisis of the Union’ rocked the party leading to the eventual downfall of Aboud Jumbe, Zanzibar’s second president and then Union Vice President. When CPSU was going under in 1991, Tanzania was moving to multiparty democracy. Tanzania which had hitherto been under single party rule allowed multiparty elections beginning 1995.

Despite varying opposition’s forays in five elections, CCM has remained a solid ruling party. It however faced its biggest challenge in 2015 General Elections. The party was rocked by the defection of its members including former Prime Minister Edward Lowassa who became the opposition’s presidential flag bearer. Admittedly, the party was grappling with internal schism, corruption and personality cults within. The nomination of John Magufuli as CCM presidential flag bearer in 2015 somewhat averted the collapse of the party. Magufuli went on to clinch the presidency of Tanzania and has since embarked on radical restructuring of the country.

Similar to Mikhail Gorbachev, Magufuli upon been elevated as the Chairman of the party in 23 July 2016, he outlined grand plans to restructure the party. In his acceptance speech President Magufuli vowed to cleanse CCM. Unlike his predecessor President Jakaya Kikwete, who is a CCM man through and through having served the party on various leadership positions, President Magufuli is an inexperienced novice in the party. He has not held any party position apart from being a member of various party departments. As President Kikwete outlined his service in the party during CCM party convention and later reading Magufuli’s CCM profile, you could see the glaring disparity in terms of party service. Regardless, Magufuli has been hailed as a technocrat and not a party cadre.

Magufuli’s ‘perestroika’ as outlined in his speech includes fighting party corruption, routing out disloyalty, revamping the party’s constitution, weeding out unnecessary party positions and strengthening the financial position of the party. Just like the Gorbachev’s reforms, Magufuli’s proposals are noble and timely for the green party. Just like the conservative elements within the CPSU which frustrated Gorbachev’s reforms, similar dissidents exist within CCM who will not be happy with Magufuli’s plans. Magufuli admitted that there exists of ‘ndumilakulwili’ or two-faced people within the party who “support CCM during the day and Chadema during the night”. The convention that brought CCM members to Dodoma to witness the elevation of Magufuli as Chairman on 23 July 2016 seemed united but it is evident that there are some factions that are not pleased with the pace of President Magufuli who has even promised to move government activity to Dodoma in four years. The party has also promised to bring on more educated people on board to steer the party into new thinking and direction similar to Gorbachev’s plan. Will John Magufuli face the Mikhail Gorbachev fate in his quest to cleanse CCM?     

     

The Future of Democracy and Freedom in Tanzania is at Stake

Controversial pieces of legislations have been passed in Tanzania that will undermine press freedoms and democracy. Chadema's Chairman Freeman Mbowe comments on these legislations that put the country at stake ahead of the general elections in October.  

By Freeman Aikaeli Mbowe

The ruling party, the Chama Cha Mapindizi (CCM), has enacted a cluster of laws to clamp down on freedom of the media that will put a country once admired for its transparency and openness - and a significant development partner of the West - into the same league as other dictatorships on the continent.

The Media Services Bill will bar all but officially licensed journalists and media houses from operating, create a "media council" to control publications down to small newsletters and blogger sites, and impose stiff penalties such as the banning of newspapers.

The Cybercrimes Act will outlaw online publication of what the government deems "misleading, deceptive or false" information, and grant police the power to search the homes of suspected violators, seize their computers and demand their data from online service providers. It will be an offence to send an email or other electronic communication without solicitation.

The Statistics Act outlaws the publication of statistics deemed by the government to be false, an offence punishable by a $6,000 fine or a three-year prison sentence. A researcher or journalist can go to jail for publishing data that the government does not agree with.

The laws ostensibly set out to confront concerns such as child pornography and hate speech but instead strangle freedom of speech both on traditional and social media.

The laws have either passed Parliament or are being fast tracked through. President Jaya Kikwete has announced that he will assent to all, though he has not yet signed them into law.

There is only one motive that explains the breadth of these measures and the speed with which they have been rushed into law: Tanzania is to hold national elections in October this year.

Cumulatively, the new laws could silence criticism of poor governance and stifle what has been a feature of media reporting in recent years: investigations and exposes of corruption in government.

By setting stiff penalties for breaking the law, the government is assembling a series of traps that will force the opposition to choose between silence and jail.

The CCM has effectively ruled Tanzania since independence in 1961, and won every election since the country became a multiparty democracy in 1992. But this year, it is faces the prospect for the first time that it could be beaten, by an opposition movement spearheaded by my party, the Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema).

Millions of Tanzanians are tired of endemic corruption and paralysis and are eager for change. Tanzania has become one of the largest recipients of aid in Africa, yet we have the resources and opportunities to become one of the economic powerhouses of the continent.

The government is determined to hold onto power by all means, and we see the crackdown on the media and free speech as part of a broader attack on democracy.

As our support has grown, our members have been violently attacked - several have been killed and hundreds more jailed. Almost a dozen Chadema members face politically motivated charges in court. I personally narrowly escaped with my life when a hand-grenade thrown at me during one of our rallies killed four people.

Why should this matter to people in the US?

Tanzania is first among the West's development partners in Africa. From the US government alone, it is one of the leading beneficiaries of aid from the Millennium Challenge Corporation, Feed the Future, the President's Emergency Plan for Aids Relief and Obama's signature Africa initiative, Power Africa.

Many Americans know Tanzania as a land of great beauty and one of the world's most splendid wildlife refuges. It is the home of the Serengeti Plains, Ngorongoro Crater, the Olduvai Gorge and Mount Kilimanjaro.

And yet an NGO, the Environmental Investigative Agency, says more elephants are killed for their ivory in Tanzania than in any other country, as a consequence of corruption and criminality.

The British television station, ITN, published statistics recently that elephant numbers in the Ruaha-Rungwa ecosystem had fallen by 60 %, from 20,000 to 8,200. National Geographic has pointed out that mere publication of these facts will soon be a criminal act. Under the cloak of censorship, the slaughter will continue.

The international community does have leverage and bears some responsibility if nothing is done. President Kikwete appeared to acknowledge this when, addressing the opening of the US-sponsored Open Government Initiative in Tanzania recently, he claimed to be open to hearing objections to the legislation and to be willing to fix them - after they have been signed into law.

We have a better solution: the international community should insist that he should not sign these laws. He should send them back to Parliament so that all measures designed to crack down on the media or stifle freedom of expression can be expunged.

This is not just about these laws, bad as they are. This is about ensuring that there is a level playing field in the election so that the will of the people can prevail. Nothing less than the future of democracy and freedom in Tanzania is at stake.

Freeman Aikaeli Mbowe is the chairman of Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA - Party for Democracy and Development) and the leader of the opposition in Tanzania's Parliament. Mbowe was elected to the National Assembly in 2000 representing the Hai Constituency in Kilimanjaro Region.

Kikwete must sack corrupt ministers to prove his credibility

JAKAYA KIKWETE’S tenure as president comes to an end next year. President Kikwete has many international admirers and has received adulation from the major Western democracies. As president, Kikwete twice hosted two US presidents – George W. Bush in 2008 and Barack Obama in July 2013. With many branding him the “darling of the West,” Kikwete in March 2013 received the Chinese president Xi Jinping, demonstrating to the world Tanzania’s non-alignment foreign policy. 

Although many interpreted the US and Chinese presidents’ visits as competition for Tanzania’s natural resources, it was a diplomatic victory for Tanzania. Kikwete scooped the Most Impactful Leader in Africa Prize in April 2013 and in July 2014 the Icon of Democracy Award.

With the Mo Ibrahim Prize for Good Governance in Africa failing to get a winner this year, many have predicted that President Kikwete will win it when he retires. Despite the international accolades, President Kikwete has faced myriad challenges at home. Major corruption scandals have engulfed his presidency.

Parliament recently passed a scathing resolution to have Kikwete’s Cabinet ministers revoked over the Independent Power Tanzania Ltd (IPTL) that has rocked his government. A government report implicated the Prime Minister in the scandal that resulted in the plunder of more than $120 million from the country’s central bank by private businessmen and government officials.

With PM Mizengo Pinda narrowly escaping the censure, President Kikwete has no choice but to take action on the ministers implicated in the scam and prove that the international accolades were given to him on merit. 

Nicodemus Minde
Arusha, Tanzania.

http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/OpEd/letters/Burundi--Arusha-Accord-must-be-implemented-to-avert-disaster/-/434756/2546716/-/item/1/-/fvwnkp/-/index.html

#UraisTanzania2015: A New Brand in Tanzanian Politics

When the results of the Nyalali Commission were released before the return to mulipartism in Tanzania in 1992, a whooping 80% of Tanzanians were against multiparty democracy. Despite these findings, the Commission recommended the introduction of multiparty democracy. The Commission, in its own admission observed that the 80% had known no other system than the single party dictatorship of CCM and that was what informed their response. Tanzania went on to adopt the Political Parties Act and Tanzania became a 'multiparty democracy'. Despite the registration of a number of parties, the ruling party CCM maintained and continues to somehow maintain its hegemonic status. This change was at the time alien to many Tanzanians and indeed many African states. The democratization brigade came alongside the fall of Berlin wall and according to Francis Fukuyama's postulation "the end of history" and the triumph of liberal democracy. The change heralded a new beginning to politics in Tanzania.

As Tanzania approaches its fifth multiparty election next year, we are witnessing a new brand of politics. The ruling party continues to enjoy virtual voter monopoly, largely due to its propaganda machinery and state-controlled resources. There still is no real inner-party democracy in Tanzania despite the party election facade often witnessed. Senior party positions are controlled and influenced by external influences mostly borne out of economic interests. During the first CCM presidential nominations, it is believed Mwalimu Nyerere's choice of candidate influenced the process. It is not known who his heir apparent was  before he died in 1999. President Jakaya Kikwete succeeded Benjamin Mkapa, who was regarded as a Nyerere's protege. With the elections next year, many names are already cropping up with the grand-old party CCM. The race seems to pit the young versus the old. The discourse has degenerated into youthfulness versus octogenarians. When youthful assistant minister January Makamba publicly stated his desire for the country's top job in July this year, a host of other names in the green-party have cropped up. Names such as the the ex-Prime Ministers Edward Lowassa and Fredrick Sumaye and current PM Mizengo Pinda. Other names are William Ngeleja, Mark Mwandosya, Bernard Membe, Asha-Rose Migiro, Prof Anna Tibaijuka, Mwigulu Nchemba, Samuel Sitta and most recently Hamisi Kigangwalla. The green party, unaccustomed with this new brand of politics, went on to call a disciplinary committee to look into the declarations made by its members to run for the top job. However, those who have so far put forward their interest have done so in a modern way. For instance Dr. Kigangwalla launched his bid with a speech flanked by his wife and children and his parents where he outlined his vision for the country. He also launched a social media campaign with harsh-tags.   

Experienced democracies world over teach us the values of internal party democracy. Values where each individual has the right to declare his vision to run for office. But that being said, it is imperative for those who seek office to do a self-examination and see if they fit the bill. In as much as democracy allows free-will, we should understand that leadership is service and not a job. The presidency is an institution that calls for individuals of high moral character, integrity and servitude.

This new brand of politics is needed for political maturity both at the party level and nationally. Tanzanians should embrace this as a sign of increased democratic space but in the same light do a thorough scrutiny to those who have declared their interest for the top job.     

Katiba Watch: An Intransigent UKAWA; JK in the US

The Constituent Assembly resumes tomorrow after a three months hiatus. Intrigues during the first CA sessions saw a section of members under the Umoja wa Katiba ya Wananchi (UKAWA) umbrella, decide to walk out of the sessions in April. The UKAWA group which is made up of the opposition parties, CHADEMA, NCCR, CUF and other like-minded members have claimed that CCM has hijacked the process and are pushing for a party agenda. Mediation efforts aimed at convincing UKAWA to return to the sessions have failed. Both sides have taken strong unwavering stances. UKAWA have vowed not to return unless the CCM members agree to only discuss the contents of the proposed constitution draft. 

UKAWA Leaders. From left; J.Mbatia, F.Mbowe and I.Lipumba

The President has been accused of jeopardizing the process when he deliberately decided to take party sides during the inauguration of the CA. He has now traveled out of the country. Analysts have argued that the president, as the symbol of national unity, could have placed national interests ahead of party interests in the constitution debate. The president is attending the US-Africa summit in Washington. It was widely expected that he could have used his position to broker the standoff in the Katiba process. 

The prospects for a new constitution now look bleak. Academics and policy practitioners are even proposing a halt to the Katiba process. However, this comes with alarming caution that going to an election without a new constitution could spell disaster in Tanzania. Comparatively, Zimbabwe and Kenya post-poll violence in 2008 was as a result of going to an election after a constitution fallout.     

Rational Actor Model in Tanzania-Rwanda Diplomatic Spat

Foreign policy analysis is the resultant of human decision making with direct or indirect consequences on foreign entities. Foreign policy has been defined as those strategic goals formulated by a state in relation to another state. On a larger spectrum, foreign policy could also include strategic goals formulated by a state in relation to international organizations and or multinational corporations. Foreign policy involves goals, objectives, projections and outcomes which are premised on national interests which in typical International Relations discipline falls under the Realism school of thought (realpolitik). 

Tanzania and Rwanda have been embroiled in a diplomatic spat albeit an ambivalent one. For years, the two East African states have coexisted peacefully. They have enjoyed sound diplomatic relations which has seen Tanzania hosting the peace talks of 1993 between the then Hutu government and the then rebel Tutsi outfit of  RPA. After the unfortunate Rwandan Genocide of 1994, Tanzania has hosted the UN International Criminal Tribunal of Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha. This long and outstanding relationship seems to be on the rocks.  President Kikwete during the 50th anniversary of the African Union in Addis Ababa, called on Rwanda to negotiate with the rebel outfit because the military efforts have failed. In a quick rejoinder Louise Mushikiwabo, the Rwandan Foreign Minister described Kikwete’s remarks as “aberrant” and “shocking”. A war of word between the two states ensued with President Kagame allegedly publicly threatened to hit president Kikwete. See link for further details. 

The diplomatic tensions have since escalated with reports indicating President Kagame and Kikwete are not seeing eye to eye. As members of the East African Community, the two have been avoiding each other during EAC meetings. This has even resulted to the rise of the Coalition of the Willing (CoW) which includes Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda sidelining Tanzania and Burundi in what they term as Northern Corridor Infrastructural Projects. When Rwanda was marking the 20th Anniversary of the Rwandan Genocide on April 7, President Kikwete did not attend. Kikwete's excuse was that he was on the same day attending a national holiday in Zanzibar. When Tanzania was marking the 50th anniversary of the political union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar in April 26, President Kagame declined to attend. And during the EAC meeting in Arusha recently, Kagame did not attend instead he sent a representative. The height of this came last week during the World Economic Forum in Abuja, Nigeria. The two were in attendance but observers says that they avoided each other. Although it remains as speculation, it is evident that the tensions have reached fever pitch. 

While explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis, Graham Allison's seminal work captures three models of decision making that are crucial in foreign policy. Allison posits that the attempt to explain international events by recounting the aims and calculations of nations or governments is the trademark of the Rational Actor Model. The central unit of analysis here is government action which is influenced by government officials. In this case, the protagonists are the two heads of state and their Foreign Ministers. Tanzania's Foreign Minister Bernard Membe is an international relations scholar who understands the complexities of decision making. His Rwandan counterpart, Louise Mushikiwabo has also carried out her duties well and thoroughly understands her country's national interests. The basic precepts of rational actor model are (1) goals and objective; (2) alternatives; (3) consequences; and lastly (4) choice. These precepts formalize the concept of rational actions that underpins economics, decisions, and game theory as most importantly individual behavior. The outcomes of decisions that follows this model are mostly based on national interests and individual behavior which is value maximizing. 

Whilst this is the case, Tanzania and Rwanda must appreciate their long standing brotherly relationship that has endured troubled pasts. Longstanding foreign policy is not hinged upon personality or behavior of the head of state rather it is embedded on a historical appreciation of one another. This is what builds venerable ties between and among states.   

In this I support Lowassa

The election mood is heating up in Tanzania. Candidates and political parties are slowly but steadily shaping up and readying themselves for 2015 elections. The ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) is doing all sorts of political readjustments like celebrating 37 years of its existence just to sell itself to the people. The main opposition party Chama cha Demokrasia

na Maendeleo (Chadema) is grappling with in-party wrangling and recently it has embarked on a meet-the-people nationwide tour dubbed as Operation Movement for Change (M4C) - Pamoja Daima. Clearly, these two political outfits are shaping up in readiness for the elections. Despite the outward people centric portrayal of these two main parties, there exists internal fault lines. Whereas Chadema is trying to 'discipline' party dissidents and the so-called 'betrayers', CCM is grappling with internal rivalries born out of the quest for the top seat for some of its members. There seems to be similarities and parallelism between these two parties at the moment. Previously, the opposition took swipe at the ruling party blaming it for the endemic, cataclysmic and virulent corruption and lack of party transparency. Tides are shifting, with Chadema being accused of similar practices. the President, speaking at the 37th anniversary of CCM in Mbeya took a hyperbolic swipe at Chadema saying "CCM remains strong, whereas the other parties (Chadema) seem not to find their feet at the moment:". Chadema is now trying to save face by carrying out nationwide tours.

CCM greatest concern has been the former Prime Minister Edward Lowassa who has silently declared his desire for the presidency come 2015. In a new year's party hosted at his home constituency, Mr. Lowassa said that he has embarked on a "dream to see a Tanzania with proper sanitation, good education and equality." This statement, though passive, was interpreted to mean he was declaring his candidacy for the top post in Tanzania. CCM luminaries have come out strong and condemned Lowassa for this saying that it is too early to declare his intention for the top job. Former Prime Minister and veteran politician John Malecela has strongly criticized Lowassa for this. Others have included, CCM Secretary Phillip Mangula and the likes of Nape Nnauye the vibrant Secretary in charge of Politics and Ideology. The party is summoning a mini-convention in either Dodoma or Dar es Salaam which will be attended by former Tanzania Presidents Benjamin Mkapa and Ali Hassan Mwinyi and former Zanzibar President Amani Karume to discuss the brewing discomfort brought about by Lowassa's possible candidacy.

I am dismayed at the level of criticism leveled on Lowassa who is imbuing his democratic right to put his name forward for possible selection for the top job. It is quite astonishing and perplexing to say the least, why his candidacy is causing jitters among members of his party. We learn from comparative politics that all politics is local. Take the rise to prominence of Barack Obama. It was during the 2004 National Democratic Convention that he gave the keynote address which made him a national star and set stage for his subsequent election in 2008 as the first Black  American President in US. Political strategists will tell you that his election campaign began that night in Boston, Massachusetts.

Sun Tzu, the renowned Chinese military general and strategist says that "The art of war is of vital importance to the State" and in this case the statesman or politician. Mr Lowassa, may have his own share of political baggage that led to his resignation as Prime Minister but his ambition to lead should not be rubbished. Drawing from Sun Tzu, the commander needs to stand for the virtues of wisdom, sincerely, benevolence, courage and strictness. This is summed up in the first tactic of laying out the plans. Mr. Lowassa seems to have already laid out his plans. He is building a vibrant network of professionals, youth, veteran politicians, businessmen and the church which is his foundation. This seems not to go well with a crossection of CCM bigwigs who in my opinion feel threatened.

The year 2014, from the onset seems its going to be a crucial political year for Tanzania. With the constitution process still on and the forth coming election, it promises to be a bumper year, and one with a lot of political and economic significance. I am pleased that political parties are now avenues of political contests which in turn will be vital for nationwide pluralism as is been envisioned by the proposed new constitution. This is what we need in Tanzania anyway. Political pluralism, in-party democracy and government transparency will definitely steer economic development and growth.

Why Tanzania is being excluded from the EAC

After posting a comment on my Facebook page on Tanzania's exclusion from the East African Community, one of my friends quickly reminded me of what has become a common phrase that "Tanzania is dragging its feet and we shall move on without you". Well, the threats are coming to fruition, with the rapid rise of "the coalition of the willing" of Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda and most recently South Sudan. The coalition of the willing is a phrase that has been coined to refer to the commitments of Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda to go it alone without Tanzania and Burundi. See my previous analysis on EAC woes here.

Having bilateral or for this case, trilateral meetings between and amongst states within the East African Community setup is not a problem. The Treaty of the EAC however, in Article 6 on the fundamental principles of the Community, is governed on mutual trust, political will and sovereign equality; peaceful coexistence and good neighborliness; and peaceful settlement of disputes. What Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda are doing is right pursuant to their national interests but not within the spirit of the Treaty. The Treaty establishes key organs which aid the running and operations of the bloc. These include; the summit, the council, the coordination committee, sectoral committees among eight other institutions. The summit which is composed of the Heads of States meet at least once a year to map and discuss important issues concerning the community. The recent meetings by the heads of Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda dubbed as integration summits can be described as a mini summits. Tanzania has now been excluded from these meetings in three occasions now. They first met in Uganda, then in Mombasa and this week met in Kigali. It is no brainer that there is a deliberate attempt to exclude Tanzania and Burundi from "their" affairs.  The coordination committee which is made up of permanent secretaries responsible in respective country's EAC ministry is involved in the coordination of activities agreed by the summit and the council. The sectoral committee is involved in different sectors concerning the community such as infrastructure. The actions by the three countries which were centered on infrastructure should have involved both the coordination committee and the sectoral committee as agreed by the Treaty.

South Sudan has been seeking to join the EAC. This was evidenced by the attendance of Salva Kiir, the President of South Sudan. Article 3 of the Treaty talks about membership and conditions for admitting a new member. In Article 3 (2) states that "The Partner States may, upon such terms and in such manner as they may determine, together negotiate with any foreign country the granting of membership to, or association of that country with, the Community or its participation in any of the activities of the Community. The meeting of the three states with South Sudan could be interpreted as going against the provisions of the Treaty since not all partner states were present when meeting South Sudan even if the subject of discussion wasn't on membership admission. 

Speaking in Parliament yesterday, Tanzania's East African Cooperation Minister Samuel Sitta threw spanner into the works when he said Tanzania's cooperation with DRC and Burundi was feasible. Mr. Sitta went on to say that Dar could divorce itself from the community. Methinks that he was just trying to be cynical whilst trying to flex Tanzania's muscles. Tanzania and Rwanda have had simmering tensions ever since President Kikwete called for Kigali to negotiate with the rebel outfit FDLR. Tanzania went forth to send her troops as part of the UN intervention brigade to DRC to help neutralize armed groups in the Eastern part of DRC. This did not auger well with Rwanda's president Paul Kagame. Tanzania has also been carrying out a nationwide operation to weed out illegal immigrants with many Rwandans falling victims. This also heightened the tensions.

Tanzania remains an integral component of the East African Community and a reliable partner. With Tanzania sharing a border with all the other four states, its influence remains very important.

Kikwete responds diplomatically to Rwanda jibes

Nicodemus Minde

Tanzania's president Jakaya Kikwete has responded to the diplomatic spat between Tanzania and Rwanda. President Kikwete was very diplomatic in responding to the jibes and counter jibes coming from some quarters of Rwanda. Kikwete had early made proposals to the Rwanda government to negotiate with the FDLR militia. President Kikwete during the 50th anniversary of the African Union in Addis Ababa, called on Rwanda to negotiate with the rebel outfit because the military efforts have failed. In a quick rejoinder Louise Mushikiwabo, the Rwandan Foreign Minister described Kikwete’s remarks as “aberrant” and “shocking”. The simmering tensions have gone on for long now. As is alleged Rwanda's president Paul Kagame publicly threatened to hit president Kikwete. The following is an excerpt of his alleged tirade: 

"And those whom you recently heard speaking for the Interahamwe and FDLR, saying that we should negotiate with them. Negotiate with them? As for me, I do not even argue about this issue because I will wait for you at the right place and I will hit you!! I really did not… I didn’t even reply to him, I never arg… uh… it is known, there is a line you can’t cross. There is a line, there is a line that should never be crossed. Not once. It’s impossible!!…”

Jakaya Kikwete who previously served as Foreign Minister for ten years before he became president, has been very diplomatic in his response. Ideally, President Kikwete response embodies the tenets and principles of Tanzania's foreign policy. He used his monthly television and radio address to elaborate on the spat. "Our relations with Rwanda remain the same and nothing has changed" he said. President Kikwete said that he has heard a lot been said about him and Tanzania concerning the remarks he made. In a diplomatic and cordial language, Kikwete noted that the facts have been "completely been put out of proportion and completely out of context". He acknowledged Tanzania's close ties with its neighbors and the historical support Tanzania offered to Rwanda. In a calm demeanour Kikwete said he had nothing personal and against Kagame and that he was just airing his views. 

The response by Kikwete further highlights Tanzania's historical image of a peace-loving country. The country has modeled itself as an island of peace and a good neighbor as espoused in its key foreign policy pillars. The move by Kagame, which Kikwete notes, has deeper undertones. As a leader, Kikwete was entitled to give his views. If the views did not augur well with Rwanda, then its leaders should have in the same light responded to them and not throwing jibes and war rhetorics. Kikwete reminded its percieved enemies that Tanzania is cable of defending at whichever onslaught.  

 

Uhuru Kenyatta and African Diplomacy

Nicodemus Minde-@decolanga

Kenya's President Uhuru Kenyatta seems to be a man on a mission to open up Kenya in the diplomatic circles. When he took oath of office in April 9, 2013, Mr. Kenyatta has conducted his diplomatic business very well (Read my analysis on Uhuru's FP). Unlike the prevision administrations, Uhuru Kenyatta is asserting Kenya's foreign policy and opening up the country to the world especially to Africa. During his inauguration, he stressed the need for fostering the East African Community ties. The East African national anthem was even played during the swearing in ceremony despite many of the Kenyan people not knowing it. He quickly forged close ties with Jakaya Kikwete, Tanzania's president and Yoweri Museveni of Uganda who spoke on behalf of the invited Heads of State and Government during the swearing in ceremony. Pierre Nkurunziza of Burundi soon after paid President Kenyatta a courtesy visit at State House. Early this month, he also met with Rwanda's Paul Kagame and Yoweri Museveni in Uganda. 

When then went on and nominated Amina Abdi as the Cabinet Secretary for Foreign Affairs. Ms Abdi has vast international experience and the UN system in general. This tells you how much importance the president has placed on the foreign relations docket and the image of the country internationally. Despite the fact that he faces "a personal challenge" of the ICC as he put it during the second presidential elections, Mr. Kenyatta has really worked hard to reface the country's foreign relations image. During the African Union's Heads of States and Government in Addis in May, 2013, the President through a combination of proxy factors and government tactic, he persuaded the AU to ask for the deferral of the ICC cases back to Africa. It was deemed a success. His Deputy, William Ruto has also visited a number of African countries in what is he terms as missions to woo international investments.

This week President Kenyatta has visited Nigeria for the African Heads of State and Government two day special AU Summit on HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (A.T.M.) at Abuja International Conference Centre. The two nations signed three bilateral agreements to help boost ties. The agreements were signed by Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretaries Amb. Amina Mohamed and her Nigerian counterpart Mr.Olugbenga Ashiru. The three agreements signed are on the establishment of a Joint Commission for Cooperation, a Protocol on consultations between Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Trade of Kenya and Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and an MOU on mutual cooperation between the Foreign Service Institute of Kenya and the Foreign Service Academy of Nigeria.

He met Kenyans living there and also met Rwanda's Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo, where they spoke at length. President Kenyatta also separately met and held talks with Ethiopian Premier Hailemariam Desalegn and Vice President of Ghana Kwesi Amissah-Arthur on the sidelines of the Abuja +12 Summit at Abuja International Conference Center. The talks focused on matters of mutual interest both at the bilateral and regional levels. The President also flew to Democratic Republic of Congo where he met and held talks with his DRC counterpart President Joseph Kabila. The talks between the two leaders focused on matters of mutual interest both at the bilateral and regional level. 

The African diplomacy by President Kenyatta may be interpreted as a shift from the tradition of relations with only Western countries due to the charges he faces at the ICC. But it is quite interesting that he wants Kenya to be pursue an African based diplomacy which I think is the future for Africa. The efforts made by Kenyatta to align Kenya more with Africa is quite impressive and futuristic. The president also travels with a contingency of professionals of whom advise him and make concrete observations. This is what Kenya needs diplomatically.