Wednesday, 4 September 2013

Striking Syria Illegal, immoral and dangerous

Phyllis Bennis; additional input from Nico Minde

With an impending motion before Congress on whether or not US carries a military intervention in Syria, Phyllis Bennis examines why the move to sanction a military operation will be illegal, immoral and dangerous. President Barack Obama is coy over the move as interpreted by his move to seek "Congress authorization". Secretary John Kerry has been adamant saying that the President needs no authorization to act. It has been reported in late August that the Bashaar Al Asaad government used chemical gas on its people. International pro-US media has been propping the story and calling for an imminent strike on Syria. Below is an analysis by Bennis posted in Al Jazeera. 

See analysis here




Tuesday, 27 August 2013

Thought of the Day

Not publishing researched work is a scientific misconduct.-Tom Loung.

Friday, 23 August 2013

The Future of American Diplomacy

Via the Diplomat

Is not doubling down on its great-power past, but in response to the "rise of the rest" is something more inclusive. Globalization has been changing U.S. foreign policy since the beginning of the American Republic. From our first diplomatic post in Tangier, Morocco founded in 1777, to the more than 285 diplomatic facilities around the world today operated by the U.S. Department of State, the business of diplomacy has evolved over time.

While it is obvious that thriving markets and global security go hand in hand, along with America’s central role in both arenas, often our diplomacy and institutions do not reflect this reality. In other words, the channels of influence that America could once rely on—large, multinational consortia of first-world powers—are waning in power. If one thing is clear to ambassadors around the world, it’s that U.S. diplomacy needs a jumpstart into the 21st century.

The key for American diplomacy is not doubling down on its great-power past, but harnessing the future on the ground. The enthusiasm and entrepreneurial spirit that became infectious in the “Arab Spring” countries will remain the norm. Young people are tapping into the culture of innovation, even amidst the political difficulties and a lack of access to money and resources. In turn, effective, pragmatic partnerships based on shared objectives—economic growth, stability and more—will be the engine for increased security and prosperity. This is the future of diplomacy, not just at the U.S. State Department—but worldwide.

On The Ground 
While terms such as “Economic Statecraft,” “Global Engagement,” and “Strategic Partnerships” have come into fashion in Washington, the tangible impact of these buzzwords is difficult to measure. Ironically, some of the most challenging places for U.S. foreign policy represent some of the greatest opportunities for these new approaches in 21-century statecraft.

The key is to create and empower stable business conditions in unstable places through private-sector leadership. The intersection of public and private sectors has now blurred the lines in diplomacy. Today, our diplomats are beginning to understand that public-private partnerships can get the most out of available resources, technology, knowledge, and networks. In fact, these partnerships might be the most effective foreign policy tool America has at its disposal today.

Take Israel and Palestine, where U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry is pushing towards a final diplomatic peace between the Israelis and Palestinians. Last year, I visited the Palestinian Territories to support an event called “Celebration of Innovation,” a locally organized business development and investor pitch competition. Essentially the State Department’s own prototype of Shark Tank, fifteen young Palestinian entrepreneurs were selected from hundreds of applicants to compete for the chance to present their ideas to an international audience. The two winners, Alaa—a twenty-four year old from the Gaza Strip who had never left his home before winning the chance to pitch his business—and Aya, the first Palestinian woman to own and raise sheep from Nabulus, are representative of a global change. If one thing became clear, it was that the next generation doesn’t want charity; they want a chance. 

Working with the best and brightest that this troubled region had to offer, their ingenuity—especially limited money and shaky security—is impressive. While observing the number of Palestinian businessmen and entrepreneurs that had succeeded throughout the Arab world, despite the odds, a Palestinian professor commented to me that, “Diamonds are created under pressure, therefore it is only natural that Palestinians entrepreneurs are like diamonds within this region.”
Alaa beamed with pride as he presented his business idea of creating miniature furniture for densely packed living conditions, like those in cramped New York studios, that he invented to deal with the overcrowded apartment in Gaza that his family lived in. Aya, short and covered in a traditional head-scarf, electrified the crowd with her energy as she pitched her idea of raising organic sheep to be locally sourced, given restrictions faced in the West Bank of imports from neighboring countries. In a packed room that was being broadcast live on television, both of these young entrepreneurs won grants to further develop their businesses.The amount of these micro-investments were negligible when balanced against the international aid and development budgets that the U.S. lends to their homeland. But the impact of empowering these young leaders—and the jobs they create—will be felt long beyond the legacy of the political leaders that today dictate the terms of the ongoing peace process. Cities like Richmond and Chicago have seen a link between creating jobs and lowering crime; Gaza and Nabulus are no different.

Changing Global Dynamics
The international system, which until the 1990s saw power disproportionally concentrated in North America and Europe, has since witnessed a dramatic change in distribution to other players—mostly in Asia and South America. To understand why 20th-century diplomacy needs an upgrade, it’s worth a look at the recent changes on the global stage.

Brazil, once a poster-child for income inequality, has enjoyed its economic renaissance following a prolonged lull. Indonesia, although still manacled by corruption, has evolved from an insular military dictatorship into a politically stable democracy with a promising economy. India has gone from an aid-dependent regional power to a hotbed of entrepreneurship, with its economy more than doubling in size between 2002 and 2008.

In that same period, Turkey’s economy has more than tripled, accompanied by a strong sense of identity and a brash self-confidence. Last, but certainly not least, is the dramatic rise of China, which in 1990 had a gross domestic product per capita less than India’s, but is today almost four times as wealthy. Yet with each of these economic successes comes development challenges, as played out recently in the streets of Brazil and Turkey through protest movements, not to mention the ongoing tumult playing out throughout the Arab world.

This so-called “rise of the rest” presents the United States with a decision. On the one hand, it could incorporate these new players into established systems of global governance, more accurately reflecting the distribution of international power and strengthen international cooperative mechanisms. On the other hand, if the West were to continue to resist or deny these new global players a place at the high table, there is a strong likelihood that the entire global system – which the West created and carefully nurtured over the past half century for its benefit, and that of others – may be jeopardized.


Friday, 16 August 2013

Kenya Referendum Talk: Lessons for Constitution Making in Tanzania

Nico Minde
Constitution making is not a one-time event, rather it is a long time and historical process that may be highly contentious, highly volatile and could cause massive divisions if not handled well. I once wrote in this blog that no country can say it is going to write a constitution in one or two years as envisioned by Tanzania. Building strong democracies world over require building strong constitutions and strong constitutional culture (constitutionalism). With Tanzania in this process of drafting a new constitution, we should be reminded of the challenges that lie ahead. We should take substantive lessons from our neighbors Kenya. Kenya has now being involved in two constitution referendums between two crucial general elections. 

In 2005, the proposed constitution was rejected in a landslide "No Vote" which was spearheaded by the opposition together with some 'rebel' cabinet ministers. The move highly embarrassed the government and president Mwai Kibaki who then dismissed the rogue cabinet ministers. Kenya then experienced the worst moment of its history after the 2007 general elections. Violence erupted after dissatisfaction with the presidential elections killing and displacing many Kenyans. Our neighbors saw this as an opportunity to speed up the then stalled constitution making process. Under Agenda 4 which was one component of Agenda items of the National Accord Reconciliation Agreement (NARA) there was need to examine and address constitutional, legal and institutional reforms, poverty and inequality, youth unemployment and land reforms. It was mediated by former UN secretary General Kofi Annan as a measure of restoring sustainable peace in the country. The success of this process came when Kenya voted in a peaceful referendum in August 4 2010 and subsequently promulgated in August 27, 2010 in a colorful ceremony. 

Despite 67% of Kenyans voting for the Proposed New Constitution, there is still dissatisfaction with a number of key issues. A group allied to the opposition Coalition for Reform and Democracy (CORD) called March 4 Movement (M4M) is calling for a referendum to change the constitution by having an electoral college system when electing a president and not through a popular vote as it is currently (more details here). The senate is also dissatisfied with the pace of devolution and revenue allocation in the counties. The referendum talk should be a reminder to Tanzania in key constitutional making issues. One is the form of government. Tanzanians should debate thoroughly on the type of government that will best suit us. This will among other things include the role of the President, the nature of the political union between Tanzania mainland and Tanzania-Zanzibar, the role of the legislature, the election of the president and so on. The other crucial factor is the role of provincial administration in governance. The constitution councils (Mabaraza ya Katiba) should take positive lessons from Kenya while debating on the keys issues as raised herein.    

Tuesday, 13 August 2013

Can Rouhani engage with the US?

Nico Minde
New Iranian President Hassan Rouhani was sworn in early this month. He takes over from Mahmoud Ahmadinejad who according to many analysts took the already sour relations with the US to the abyss. Dr. Rouhani is a moderate cleric who is seen by many as a person who could try and engage with the US on issues central to Iran's nuclear agenda. Al Monitor offers an analysis on the same here. The era of Ahmadinejad was filled with fiery rhetoric and Iran positioned itself for increased sanctions from the West. Iran became isolated and its economy hit the doldrums. In his swearing in ceremony, Rouhani called for a "language of respect" when negotiating with Iran and not through sanctions. "If you seek a suitable answer, speak to Iran through the language of respect, not through the language of sanctions," the president said. The president also hinted that Iran will seek to engage with the US. He further said that Iranian nuclear program was a peaceful one and one that is geared towards generating electricity and sustainable energy. Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaking on CBS News before Rouhani took oath, he said that Iran is getting closer to the red line he illustrated during the UN summit in New York last September. The two sides continue to be antagonistic towards each other which could jeopardize the negotiations and talks. However, the indications by the new President saying he is willing to engage with the US is welcoming. Iran should however be wary of American scheming and not fall into their marauding antics. Before his elections Rouhani said that the West needs to be genuine if they were to negotiate over Iran nuclear issue. As a former chief nuclear negotiator, President Rouhani understands this very well.

Mali Elections Infograph

Via Al Jazeera

With the counting of votes for the presidential elections run off in Mali, Al Jazeera gives a infographic analysis. See it here.

Monday, 5 August 2013

Kikwete responds diplomatically to Rwanda jibes

Nicodemus Minde
Tanzania's president Jakaya Kikwete has responded to the diplomatic spat between Tanzania and Rwanda. President Kikwete was very diplomatic in responding to the jibes and counter jibes coming from some quarters of Rwanda. Kikwete had early made proposals to the Rwanda government to negotiate with the FDLR militia. President Kikwete during the 50th anniversary of the African Union in Addis Ababa, called on Rwanda to negotiate with the rebel outfit because the military efforts have failed. In a quick rejoinder Louise Mushikiwabo, the Rwandan Foreign Minister described Kikwete’s remarks as “aberrant” and “shocking”. The simmering tensions have gone on for long now. As is alleged Rwanda's president Paul Kagame publicly threatened to hit president Kikwete. The following is an excerpt of his alleged tirade: 

"And those whom you recently heard speaking for the Interahamwe and FDLR, saying that we should negotiate with them. Negotiate with them? As for me, I do not even argue about this issue because I will wait for you at the right place and I will hit you!! I really did not… I didn’t even reply to him, I never arg… uh… it is known, there is a line you can’t cross. There is a line, there is a line that should never be crossed. Not once. It’s impossible!!…”

Jakaya Kikwete who previously served as Foreign Minister for ten years before he became president, has been very diplomatic in his response. Ideally, President Kikwete response embodies the tenets and principles of Tanzania's foreign policy. He used his monthly television and radio address to elaborate on the spat. "Our relations with Rwanda remain the same and nothing has changed" he said. President Kikwete said that he has heard a lot been said about him and Tanzania concerning the remarks he made. In a diplomatic and cordial language, Kikwete noted that the facts have been "completely been put out of proportion and completely out of context". He acknowledged Tanzania's close ties with its neighbors and the historical support Tanzania offered to Rwanda. In a calm demeanour Kikwete said he had nothing personal and against Kagame and that he was just airing his views. 

The response by Kikwete further highlights Tanzania's historical image of a peace-loving country. The country has modeled itself as an island of peace and a good neighbor as espoused in its key foreign policy pillars. The move by Kagame, which Kikwete notes, has deeper undertones. As a leader, Kikwete was entitled to give his views. If the views did not augur well with Rwanda, then its leaders should have in the same light responded to them and not throwing jibes and war rhetorics. Kikwete reminded its percieved enemies that Tanzania is cable of defending at whichever onslaught.  
 

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