[ZELEZA] Malawi’s Political Earthquake: Nullification of the Presidential Elections

By Prof Paul Tiyambe Zeleza 

3/2/2020

The Malawian Constitutional Court has annulled last year's presidential election results. They cited massive irregularities. Prof. Paul Tiyambe Zeleza, a history scholar who hails from Malawi analyzes the historic nullification of a fraudulent May 2019 elections. He cites it as a watershed moment for the country. You can read his analysis in this link.

Changamoto, Maboresho na Mbadala Viti Maalumu: Utekelezaji Wa Kifungu Namba 168(a) Cha Ilani ya CCM-2015-2020

BARUA YA WAZI KWA MWENYEKITI NA KATIBU MKUU CCM

Na Victoria Lihiru 

victorialihiru@gmail.com

Waheshimiwa Viongozi wa Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM),Ilani ya CCM kupitia kifungu namba 168(a) inasema ‘Katika kipindi cha utekelezaji wa Ilani ya 2015 – 2020, Chama kitaielekeza Serikali kuendelea kuweka utaratibu wa kikatiba na kisheria utakaowawezesha wanawake kushika nafasi sawa (50/50) za uongozi katika vyombo vya maamuzi katika ngazi zote.’ Kifungu hiki kinaweka wazi nia ya CCM kuchukua hatua muhimu kuhakikisha wanawake na wanaume wanashiriki kikamilifu katika ngazi za kutoa maamuzi.  Bunge kama chombo kikubwa cha maamuzi kuna uwakilishi wa wanawake upatao asilimia 37, asilimia 30 ikiwa ni wanawake waliopatikana kwa utaratibu wa viti maalum na asilimia 7 wakitokea majimboni. Ikimaanisha kuwa kuna upungufu wa wanawake kwa asilimia 13 ndani ya bunge ili kufikia 50/50 inayozungumziwa na kifungu cha 168(a) katika Ilani ya CCM. Kati ya madiwani wapatao 4000 nchini Tanzania, wanawake madiwani waliochaguliwa kutoka kwenye kata ni takribani 240 sawasawa na asilimia 5 tu. Tasnifu yangu ya Shahada ya Uzamivu inaangazia kwa undani masuala ya sheria zinazowawezesha au kuwakwamisha wanawake kushiriki katika ngazi za maamuzi. Baada ya kuonana na wanawake wanasiasa ikiwemo madiwani na wabunge wa kuchaguliwa na wale wa viti maalum, matokeo ya utafiti huu yanaonyesha kuwa utekelezaji wa viti maalumu japokuwa umetuletea baadhi ya mafanikio, haufuati malengo ya kuanzishwa kwake; -

Changamoto za Viti Maalumu

Mosi, ni kuhusu hadhi ya viti maalum, kuna kanuni na miongozo inayozuia madiwani viti maalumu kuwa wajumbe katika kamati za maadili katika kata zetu. Katika Halmshauri nyingine kuna mazoea ya kutowarusu madiwani viti maalumu kuwa wajumbe wa kamati za fedha. Hata kwenye zile Kamati ambao wanawake viti maalumu ni wajumbe mfano kamati za Ukimwi, Huduma za Jamii, na Mipango Miji, wanawake hawa hawaruhusiwi kuwa wenyeviti wa kamati hizo. Pia kuna sheria zinazowanyima fursa madiwani viti maalumu kuwa meya, naibu meya, wenyeviti wa halmashauri za majiji, miji na wilaya. Madiwani viti maalumu hawaruhusiwi hata kukaimu uenyekiti wa kamati ya maendeleo ya kata ikiwa diwani wa kuchaguliwa ana udhuru. Kuna baadhi ya kata ni bora kwa mwenyekiti wa Kijiji ama mtaa kukaimu uwenyekiti wa kamati ya maendeleo ya kata kuliko diwani viti maalumu. Katika hili tukumbuke kuwa wabunge viti maalum nao ni madiwani katika kata zao. Kwa upande wa Bunge, ile kanuni ya kutoruhusu wabunge viti maalumu kupata fedha za maendeleo, na kifungu cha Katiba kinachowanyima fursa wabunge viti maalumu kuteuliwa kuwa waziri mkuu vinawaweka wanawake viti maalumu katika hadhi ya chini. Kimsingi, sheria, kanuni na mazoea yanayowanyima wanawake viti maalumu fursa uongozi katika halmashauri na bunge, zinatoa taswira kuwa kama taifa tumewaweka wanawake viti maalumu katika hadhi ya chini, na tumesha weka hitimisho kuwa wanawake viti maalum hawana uwezo wa kuongoza ama kuwa sehemu ya maamuzi fulani. Hii ni kinyume na malengo ya kuanzishwa kwa viti maalumu chini ya kifungu namba 4 cha Mkataba wa Kuondoa aina zote za Ubaguzi dhidi ya wanawake maarufu kwa Kiingereza the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) wa mwaka 1979, ambapo Tanzania ni mwanachama. Mkataba huu unatambua viti maalumu kama hatua za mpito ambazo hazitakiwi kukumbatia ama kuleta unyanyasaji na unyanyapaa kwa wanawake.

Pili, viti maalumu vimekuwa vikiwanufaisha wanawake wachache licha ya lengo lake la kuwajengea uwezo na uzoefu wanawake wengi ili waende kwenye siasa za majimbo. Tangu kuanzishwa kwa viti maalum takribani miaka 34 iliyopita, mpaka sasa Tanzania ina wanawake asilimia 7 tu kutoka majimboni. Hivyo, kwa miongo takribani mitatu na ushee, na kama vikifutwa leo, viti maalumu vitakuwa vimefikia lengo lake kwa asilimia 7 tu. Moja kati ya mizizi ya tatizo hili ni kutokuwepo kwa ukomo wa muda kwa mwanamke mmoja kuwa mwakilishi kupitia viti maalumu. Ukomo wa uwakilishi wa viti maalumu, kama ungekuwa vipindi viwili tu, ungewezesha wanawake wengi kwenda kushindana majimboni/katani, na kutoa fursa ya kada nyingine ya wanawake kupata uzoefu wa kisiasa. Mpangilio huu ungesaidia kupiga hatua za msingi na za haraka katika kufikia 50/50.

Kuna hoja kuwa wabunge ni wabunge na madiwani ni madiwani, hivyo kama mbunge wa jimbo/diwani wa kata hana ukomo pia mbunge/diwani wa viti maalum asiwe na ukomo ikiwa tu ataendelea kushinda kura za wale wanaowapigia kura. Tukumbuke kuwa wanawake viti maalumu japokuwa wana majukumu ya kibunge/kidiwani pia wanatumikia lengo la nyongeza. Wako katika viti hivyo ili kupata uzoefu utakaowawezesha kushiriki katika siasa za ushindani, kwa hiyo wanawake wengi zaidi inabidi wapate fursa ya kupata uzoefu huo. Kuwekwa kwa ukomo wa kuwa mbunge wa kiti maalum kutaendana na malengo ya kuanzishwa vitu maalum katika kifungu namba 4 cha CEDAW kinachotambua juhudi hizi kuwa ni hatua za mpito ili kurekebisha changamoto ambazo zimekuwa zikiwakwamisha wanawake kushiriki kikamilifu katika vyombo mbalimbali vya maamuzi. Kutokuwa na ukomo wa kisheria ama kikanuni kunawapa wanawake walio katika viti maalumu faida ya ziada katika kuendelea kuhodhi viti hivyo, kwa kuwa wana mtandao mkubwa katika chama na katika mabaraza ya wanawake ya vyama, faida ambayo wanawake wanaowania viti maalumu kwa mara ya kwanza hawana. Hili suala la uhodhi wa viti maalumu ni la vyama vyote, lakini kwa kutumia nafasi yake kama chama tawala CCM inawajibu wa kutenda kwa mfano, ili kuhakikisha viti maalumu vinatekelezwa kwa namna inayokidhi madhumuni ya kuanzishwa kwake hususani kuwapa wanawake wengi fursa ya kupata uzoefu wa kisiasa kuelekea majimboni.

Maboresho Viti Maalumu

Kutokana na changamoto tajwa hapo juu, njia ya kwanza ya CCM kutekeleza ahadi yake katika kifungu cha 168(a) cha Ilani ya Mwaka 2015-2020 ni kuielekeza serikali hususani Wizara ya Katiba na Sheria, Tume ya Ttawala Bora na Haki za Binadamu ili vijadiliane na Tume ya Uchaguzi ya Taifa ambayo kikatiba inamamlaka ya kupokea orodha ya wanawake wanaopendekezwa na vyama vya siasa kushika nafasi za viti maalumu kulingana na uwiano wa kura wanazo pata, kuwa ili kuendana na malengo ya uanzishwaji wa viti maalum, majina yanayopendekezwa kwenye Tume ya Uchaguzi yasiwe ya wale wanawake waliokwisha kuwa kwenye viti maalumu kwa Zaidi ya vipindi miwili.  CCM kama chama tawala kiwe mfano wa kuwapa kipaumbele na kuweka ulazima wa wanawake waliokaa viti maalumu kwa zaidi ya vipindi viwili ili wagombee majimboni. Nafahamu kuwa mabadiliko haya yatapata pingamizi kubwa, hasa kutoka kwa wanawake wenyewe, lakini ukweli utabaki kuwa ukweli. Hivyo basi, kama njia ya kuwapa motisha wanawake waliokaa kwenye viti maalumu zaidi ya vipindi viwili, kuwekwe hatua ya mpito, kwa wanawake hawa kuhakikishiwa kuwa ikitokea wameshindwa uchaguzi, basi watapewa kipaumbele katika nafasi za viti maalum zitakazopatikana kwa CCM. CCM ina fursa ya kuweka ukomo wa viti maalumu katika kanuni za uchaguzi ambazo naamini zitafanyiwa marekebisho kuelekea uchaguzi mkuu wa 2020.

Napendekeza pia CCM ielekeze vyombo husika kufanya utafiti na majadiliano na vyama vya siasa ili kuweka Kanuni zitakazo tumika na vyama vyote katika kuwapata wanawake viti maalumu kwa kuwa kwa sasa kila chama kina utaratibu wake, suala linaloibua maswali juu ya upatikanaji wao. Japo inafahamika kuwa sifa ya mbunge ni kujua kusoma na kuandika, kwa upande wa viti maalumu hatua kwa hatua ya namna wanawake hawa wanavyopatikana ni muhimu katika kuwapa imani wananchi juu ya matumizi ya kodi zao kwa ongezeko la idadi ya wabunge wa viti maalumu. Pia kuhakikisha wanawake wanaochaguliwa wana sifa na uwezo wa kusaidia kufikia malengo ya kuanzishwa kwa viti hivyo.

Japokuwa maboresho hapo juu, yatavifanya viti maalum kuwa na tija na hivyo kufikia malengo ya kuanzishwa kwake. Kusipokuwa na juhudi za ziada, itachukua muda sana kufikia 50/50. Kama baada ya miaka 34 ya kuanzishwa kwa viti maalumu ni wanawake asilimia 7 tu ndio wameweza kushinda majimbo ya ubunge, hesabu ya haraka inaonyesha unahitaji miaka mingine 102 ili kuweza kufika idadi ya asilimia 50 ya wanawake bungeni, na hii ni katika mpangilio wa asilimia 30 viti maalumu na asilimia 20 kutoka majimboni. Hivyo kama CCM haitachukua hatua za ziada utekelezaji wa kifungu 168(a) kuhusu 50/50 ifikapo 2020 ni ndoto. Hivyo, sambamba na uboreshaji wa viti maalum, njia nyingine ya kuongeza idadi ya wanawake ni kupitia ofisi ya Msajili wa Vyama vya Siasa, ambapo kwa kutumia sheria mpya ya vyama vya siasa, ambayo inaweka sharti la vyama vya siasa kuanzishwa na kuendeshwa kwa kuzingatia pamoja na mambo mengine, usawa wa kijinsia, CCM inaweza kuishauri serikali imshauri Msajili wa Vyama vya siasa kuweka katika kanuni za sheria ya Vyama vya Siasa zinazo endelea kutungwa, kifungu kinacho hakikisha kuwa asilimia fulani ya wagombea ni wanawake, sana sana asilimia ishirini, ili kujazia nafasi inayo achwa na viti maalum. Itakuwa jambo la msingi, NEC wangetenga majimbo asilimia ishirini ambayo watagombea wanawake pekee. Hivyo kutakuwa na asilimia 30 ya viti maalum, asilimia 20 ya majimbo ambayo watagombea wanawake hivyo kutimiza 50/50. Mfumo wa kutumia viti maalumu sambamba na majimbo ya wanawake pekee inatumika katika nchi jirani kama Rwanda na Kenya.

Mbadala wa Viti Maalum

Japo viti maalumu vinaweza kuboreshwa kama ilivyopendekezwa hapo juu na kutuletea 50/50, kwa muda mrefu kumekuwa na mjadala kama bado tuna hitaji viti maalumu, au kama nchi tunaweza kuwa na mfumo bora wa kuwezesha wanaume na wanawake kushiriki kikamilifu katika ngazi za maamuzi. Nakumbuka imeshasemwa kuwa suala la katiba mpya, japo muhimu, lakini siyo kipaumbele kwa wakati huu. Hivyo mapendekezo hapa chini yanajikita kwenye uelewa kuwa yanaweza kuwekwa katika Katiba ya Jamuhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania, 1977 kama mabadiliko madogo (miscellenious amendment) ili kuweka utaratibu utakaosaidia kuifikia 50/50. Nikiongozwa na usemi wa ‘Msema kweli ni mpenzi wa Mungu.’ Napendekeza kuwa viti maalumu vinahitaji mbadala haraka iwezekanavyo. Asimia 30 ya wanawake bungeni sio lazima iwe viti maalumu, inaweza ikatafsiriwa katika majimbo na kata, yaani asimilia 30 ya majimbo na kata zote za uchaguzi wagombea wawe ni wanawake peke yao, kila chama kisimamishe mwanamke kama mgombea katika majimbo na kata hizo. Na wale wanawake wenye uwezo wa kugombea katika majimbo yasiyo ya wanawake waruhusiwe kufanya hivyo. Japo pendekezo tajwa hapo juu ni zuri, lakini halitatufikisha kwenye 50/50 inayo ahidiwa na kifungu cha 168(a) cha Ilani ya CCM 2015-2010. Hii inanilazimu nitoe hoja mbili kama mbadala wa viti maalumu; -

Mosi, ni kugawanya idadi ya majimbo na kata zilizopo mara mbili (ili kutoongeza ukubwa wa bunge/baraza la madiwani). Katika kila jimbo na kata kila chama kinasimamisha mgombea mwanamke na mwanaume. Mpiga kura anapokuwa amechagua chama fulani anakuwa amechagua mgombea mwanamke na mwanaume kutoka chama hicho. Hivyo baada ya uchaguzi unapata uwakilishi wa 50/50 kwa wanawake na wanaume katika kata na majimbo. Mbadala wa pili, ni kubadili mfumo mzima wa uchaguzi kutoka utaratibu wa jimbo au kata moja kuwa na mwakilishi mmoja yaani First Past the Post (FPTP) mpaka uwakilishi wenye uwiano sawa yaani Proportional Representation (PR). Mfumo huu unatakiwa uende sambamba na sharti la kutaka orodha ya wawakilishi wa vyama katika majimbo na kata kuwa na idadi sawa ya wanawake kwa wanaume kwa kufuata mfumo wa pundamilia yaani Zebra System. Faida zinazoendana na kuweka mbadala wa viti maalumu, ni pamoja ya kuiwezesha serikali kuokoa fedha nyingi. Hii ni kwa sababu wanawake watakuwa wakitokea katika asilimia kadhaa ya majimbo na kata halisi, na si kama nyongeza juu ya namba halisi ya madiwani au wabunge. Serikali itaokoa Trilioni za shilingi ambazo zinazitumia sasa katika kulipa mishahara, posho na vi-inua mgongo kwa wanawake viti maalumu wakiwa kama nyongeza ya wabunge na madiwani halisi. Pia mbadala huu utaondoa maswali kutoka kwa wana jamii ya je wanawake viti maalumu wanamwakilisha nani, kwa kuwa sasa watakuwa wanatokea kwenye majimbo na kata. Watapata haki ya moja kwa moja ya kupata fedha za maendeleo ya jimbo na wataweza hata kuwa waziri mkuu kwa kuwa wana vigezo. Changamoto za madiwani viti maalumu kutoruhusiwa kuwa wenyeviti/mameya wa halmashauri na kamati za kata, na masharti ya kutokuwa wajumbe katika kamati za maadili, fedha, na kukaimu uwenyekiti wa kamati za maendeleo ya kata zitaondoka.

Hitimisho

Katika harakati zangu na kuonana na kuchota maarifa na maono ya watu mbalimbali juu ya suala hili, kuna mtu alinambia kuwa ‘Chama kina vipaumbele vingi, kama suala halina madhara kwa chama, nguvu na msukumo wa kufanyia kazi suala hio inakuwa haipo.’ Najitolea kupuuza ushauri wake kwa kuwa naamini suala hili nyeti na lenye tija kwa wanawake, ambao ni walezi wa taifa hili, wapiga kura wengi na waaminifu. Nina Imani CCM chini ya uongozi wa Mwenyekiti na Katibu Mkuu wake itafanyia kazi mapendekezo haya. Muda umefika tufunge huu mjadala ili wote wanawake na wanaume tubaki kuchapa kazi.

Wasalaam- Victoria Lihiru- Mwanafunzi shahada ya Uzamivu Chuo Kikuu Cape Town, Afrika Kusini.  Napatikana kupitia victorialihiru@gmail.com, +255 713 085 139

New Book: Peacebuilding in Contemporary Africa In Search of Alternative Strategies

I am so excited that the edited volume by my Professor Kenneth Omeje, in which I contributed a Chapter on South Sudan has been published by Routledge. I sincerely thank Prof. Omeje who has always trusted me since we first met in 2008. I was his undergraduate student in his Research Methods class. He has since then been my mentor both at the academic and spiritual level. 

My Chapter examines the relapse of South Sudan into armed conflicts and the interest-driven regional rivalries in the country. It contributes to the wider debate of peacebuilding and state building literature in Africa. 

You can order a copy of the book in the link provided. 

The book in general provides a much-need perspective from African scholars and will be of interest to students, researchers, policy makers and practitioners with an interest in promoting legitimate policy interventions and sustainable peace in Africa. 

A new kind of challenge

When the year began, my mind was set out to achieve a number of goals. I however didn’t set my eyes on the challenge I am experiencing now. I was optimistic about the year that lay ahead. I am always optimistic and look forward to any new year with great hope – just like everyone else. Ten months down the line, I have achieved a number of my setout goals. As a PhD student, I completed my course work in July, 2018. I  won a research grant in February. I began doing part-time teaching at various local universities in Nairobi. In the months of May and June, two journal articles I co-authored were published. Everything seemed to be going well for me. In August, the editor of the book volume in which I had contributed a chapter wrote to me. The final manuscript was out and I needed to have final look before going to print. In the first week of September, I received an author’s copy of the book. 

Amid this great academic success, my personal life was not that great. It was actually unraveling. It is not something that I am going to speak about today. The great accolades and achievements on the academic side meant nothing amidst this life challenge. The smile that I always exuded has faded. Nothing seems normal again. I try and look at the positive side of things. But am reminded of what happened. It is hard. Very hard. I take courage and get encouraged by my close friends. This one friend has been very helpful. A shoulder to cry on and always a call a way. I am grateful for the friendship. As I look forward to the close of the year, am reminded to be thankful of what I have. The joy that comes from being alive and healthy. As a Christian man, I hold to God’s unending love. His mercies endure forever. I know all things work for good to them that love God – because I am called according to his purpose (Romans 8:28).

As I await the PhD Comprehensive Exams in the first week of November, I believe things will have turned around. I now prepare for the exams with anxiety – but with hope. It shall be well. In the fullness of time, there will be a renewal and restoration. It is always the darkest just before the day dawneth.  

Kenyatta-Trump Meeting: The 'Big 4'- AGOA Conundrum

By Muthuma Njenga

President Kenyatta is scheduled to meet his counterpart POTUS Donald Trump at White House, Washington on Monday 27 August. The much anticipated and hyped meeting presents a chance for the two head of States to formally engage for the first time since the election of Donald Trump, with discussions ranging from trade to security issues. The visit maintains its traditional skewed development nature: Kenya seeking to get more funding (aid) in its 'Big 4' development programmes and regional security initiatives (Somalia mission). Kenya will also be seeking to maximize on preferential trade deals and opportunities and signing new ones. This comes at a time when US and China are locked in tariffs confrontation which could lead to a trade war, in this scenario Kenya proves to be an important pawn if there were to be a trade war between the two global economic giants, owing to the fact that Kenya is the economic gateway to the eastern region of the continent.

Trade discussions are expected to stretch to Africa Growth Opportunity Act (AGOA), where the US is mulling on replacing 18-year multilateral program with preferential bilateral programs with respective African states, Kenya being fronted as one of the first States to benefit from the new program. The ministries of foreign affairs and trade and industrialization are keen to clinch the deal which has its shortcomings and poses a threat to 'Big 4'.

President Uhuru Kenyatta. Picture courtesy 

Under manufacturing pillar, Textile and leather industries are key sub-sectors which the Kenyan government want to revive. Their revival terms and solution has been easy: reduce inflow of cheap second-hand clothes into the country. Prior to the Big 4, EAC head of States had sought to revive the textile industry in the region. They directed ministers of trade to draft regulations to guard local textile and leather products back in 2015. The ministers presented a draft policy document whose main recommendation was a joint restriction on imported second hand clothes and shoes. The draft policy was adopted unanimously and was set to be implemented by 2018. However only Rwanda took the leap of faith and courage by slapping imported second hand clothes and shoes with the agreed 25% EAC joint tariff. This causing a possible trade confrontation between Rwanda and US (which benefits highly from exporting second hand clothes), where US threatened to withdraw AGOA privileges from Rwanda.

Kenya and its two counterparts Uganda and Tanzania choose to stick to a 'pragmatic' policy of wait and see, and eventually 'chickened out' of the agreed tariff proposal. Defending Kenya's move former industrialization CS Adan Mohammed cited effects of the burn to importers and entrepreneurs of mitumba, and also considering the ultimate consequence; Kenya losing the AGOA privileges where it benefits greatly by exporting textile and apparels products. which are very valid justifications, but do not offer a long-term solution to the crippled local textile and Leather industries.

The Kenyan delegation will be faced with a great task of balancing between AGOA and Big 4. On big 4, they will seek funding to revive the local textile industry, and on the other hand the Kenyan delegation will have to appease the US delegation by caving in on mitumba restrictions so as to clinch the new bilateral deal, with the latter likely to carry the day. We might gain one and loose the other but we will certainly, never gain both.

Muthuma Njenga

International Relations Student

Technical University of Kenya

Tanzanian Opposition Needs to Remain Steadfast in the struggle for democratic space

Amid the gloom, doom and distress over the defection of its members to the ruling party, the opposition in Tanzania should not relent in their pursuit of competitive multiparty politics in the country. Over the past few months there has been a plethora of defections, both at the parliamentarian and councilor levels across mainland Tanzania. So systematic has been the defection that whenever Humphrey Polepole, the Ideology Secretary of long time ruling CCM party calls a press conference, we expect nothing less than another unveiling of an opposition defector. The most dramatic one was the unveiling of Monduli constituency legislator Julius Kalanga late into the night. It was almost like the European football transfer deadline frenzy where clubs try and beat the 11:59 PM transfer deadline. Another Chadema MP Mwita Waitara also announced his defection to the ruling party. He was received and handed a direct nomination for the Ukonga seat. And just like the ones who defected before him, smeared and besmirched his former party and its leader Freeman Mbowe.

Chadema leader Freeman Mbowe in a past political rally

The politics of defection is not a new phenomenon. In fact, the opposition was a beneficiary of high profile defections in the run up to the general elections in 2015. To curb what is known as party hopping or party switching, advanced democracies world over have come up with legislations that are restrictive and punitive to the defectors. There is no doubt that the wave of defections in Tanzania has made a mockery of the country’s fledgling democracy. With a weak Political Parties Act, a government-controlled Office of the Registrar of Political Parties, an electoral commission that is hostage to the ruling party and a parliament that is controlled and dominated by CCM, it is going to be very hard to build a country with strong democratic ideals.

Tanzania’s political culture is still drawn from the Ujamaa legacy. The way people are politically socialized in Tanzania is as if they are beholden to the ruling party. The legacy of the single party rule even compelled people to overwhelmingly propose that Tanzania remain under single party rule when the Nyalali Presidential Commission that looked into political reforms in the early 1990s. About 80% of the respondents said they wanted the single party rule to continue. It took the intervention of Mwalimu Nyerere to change things.

The opposition in Tanzania since the election of President John Magufuli has been crippled with government restrictive pronouncements and periodic crackdown of its main leaders. President Magufuli banned political rallies until the next election in 2020. Opposition lawmakers have also been arrested, harassed and embarrassed by the state. Arusha Urban lawmaker Godbless Lema of Chadema was denied bail and jailed for alleged seditious remarks against the president. Other opposition MPs have also tasted state wrath with constant arrest and detention. Outspoken Chadema MP Tundu Lissu was almost assassinated when his car was riddled with bullets in September 2017 in Dodoma. He is still recuperating in Belgium. His counterpart Joseph Mbilinyi “Sugu” was also jailed for five months for allegedly insulting the president. The political space in Tanzania has really shrunk. There is fear and anxiety among the people. The police force is by effect has become an extension of the ruling party with constant harassment of opposition leaders and even journalists.

The systematic coopting of opposition leaders into the ruling is being facilitated by the electoral commission – the National Electoral Commission (NEC). The ruling party CCM gives the defectors direct nomination for the by-election. The by-elections are characterized by fear, intimidation and electoral fraud with the result being a free pass for the defector. The recent defections mean another by-election. These by-elections are very expensive especially to an administration that rallies on the mantra of ‘cutting down government spending’. When asked about the cost of the by-election, Mwita Waitara shamelessly remarked “the expenses of the elections do not concern me.”

Despite the testing times, the opposition in Tanzania should weather the storm and not relent on the struggle for democratic space. The turbulent political times the country is going through will only awaken the need for political reforms through a resuscitation of the stalled constitution process.  

Uhuru Kenyatta's Foreign Policy; More Assertive and Focused

President Uhuru Kenyatta will in the coming three weeks meet with the world’s top three nations. He will be hosted by US President Donald Trump at the White House on 27 August, before playing host to British Prime Minister Theresa May on 30 August. President Kenyatta will then be hosted by Chinese President in the first week of September. Speaking on the visits, Kenya’s Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary Ambassador Monica Juma spoke on the importance of the three countries in relations to President Kenyatta’s Big Four Agenda. “America is one of our greatest supporters in the counterterrorism effort [], the discussions are strategic and valuable,” said Amb. Juma. She also spoke on the special relationship with the UK pointing out that Kenya has favorable balance of trade between it and its former colonial master.

Since the election of President Uhuru Kenyatta in 2013, Kenya’s foreign policy has been more assertive, engaging and strategic. In his first term in office, President Kenyatta forged a more Afro-centric foreign policy. This can be attributed to the International Criminal Court (ICC) involvement in Kenya and the subsequent efforts to lobby African states to defer the Kenya cases. President Kenyatta also made African diplomacy his key foreign policy objective in his first term in office. To show Kenya’s African focus diplomacy, the country fronted its Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary Amina Mohammed to contest the position of the African Union Commission. Despite her losing to Moussa Faki of Chad, it showcased Kenya’s ambition to cement her Afro-centric foreign policy.

After his reelection in 2017, President Kenyatta continued to commit to an Afro-centric foreign policy. During his inauguration on 28 November 2018, he underscored Kenya’s commitment to Pan-Africanism with a pledge to all Africans visiting Kenya to be eligible for a visa upon arrival. He also promised that all East African will be treated as Kenyans and they will be free to “work, do business; own property, farm and [..] and marry and settle in Kenya”.

President Uhuru Kenyatta with China's President Xi Jinping

President Kenyatta’s appointment of Amb. Monica Juma to head the MFA further reinforces his foreign policy ambitions. She is a career diplomat and an academic who has written on Kenya’s peace and security policies. Her entry into the MFA has brought scholarly rigor into Kenya’s diplomacy. She was instrumental in Kenya’s push to defer the ICC cases at the African Union – and has been described as an excellent behind the scenes operator.

Under President Kenyatta, Kenya has showed that it wants to take charge in regional and international issues. Through the five diplomatic pillars of Kenya’s foreign policy, President Kenyatta is going about strengthening Kenyan interests globally. The meeting with US President Donald Trump will further strengthen the trade ties between the two states. Kenya also remains America’s key ally in the region. The meeting with China’s President Xi Jinping in Beijing will also bolster trade and investments and enhancing manufacturing – which is one of the President’s Big Four Agenda.